Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

April 1, 2013

Nunavut

Filed under: Education,indigenous — louisproyect @ 4:19 pm

I mm working on a piece for Counterpunch on Robert Flaherty’s “Nanook of the North” that was made in 1921 and generally considered the first documentary ever. I saw it for the first time at the Smithsonian American Indian Museum downtown a couple of weeks ago, with musical accompaniment by Tanya Tagaq, an Inuit throat singer from Nunavut, the newest Canadian province and home to both Nanook (not his real name) and Tagaq.

While getting up to speed on the background to this movie, I remembered that we had a Marxmail subscriber early on who was working on a computer science curriculum for Nunavut’s first university. I was pleased to discover that his messages to the list from 13 years ago were archived. Here’s one of some import:

Nunavut: A permanent land for nomadic people

Nunavut Arctic College is not a single campus. It is a series of Learning  Centres in 20+ communities serving a population of about 29,000 in the new  territory. There has been tremendous growth here since the Territory became  independent on April 1, 1999. The influx of people represent government people,  diamond and gold mine managers and workers, and criminals from the Vancouver  area who want to establish a claim to organising an exchange of diamonds for  drugs with those who will be hired to work in the new mines.

I’ve been in Kugluktuk aka Coppermine since August last year. The community is  situated on the edge of Coronation Bay that flows into the Arctic Ocean some  distance north. There are islands in sight, and people drive out on their snow  machines to hunt caribou or check their fishing nets for Arctic Char or other  fish. For reasons that I don’t understand I learned that the Char in this area  are the ‘biggest’ in the north. I’m not certain if that is a northern ‘fishing  yarn, or if there is any truth to the story.

Becoming the stewards of a huge chunk of ice and tundra means that culturally  there will be the political assertions of being able to ‘go back to the old  ways’ but what does that mean? Arctic communities are not so different from  other communities overseas that have been ‘left behind’ as the rest of the  country moved on and so we might begin with the question, “What language should  we use”?

In Nunavut there are two ‘principle’ languages Innuktituk and Innuinaqtun. The  minister for education visited my class and began speaking in dialect and nobody  in the class understood a word he said and asked him to use English. In the  government offices the principle language is English but the country is  bilingual and so business also has to be done in French, which only a relatively  few people speak. The outcome for the new territory is that all official  documents have to be prepared in English, French, and the Inuit dialect of  choice.

The Territory is divided into three regions: Baffin Region in the East,  Kitikmeot (meaning Central), and Keewatin, which is to the south of us.  Kugluktuk is in the Kitikmeot Region and we are the most western point on the  Nunavut map, next door, so to speak, to Northwest Territories (NWT) and for  administrative purposes the government is already going through a  ’decentralisation process’

Just to complete the identification of the land to the west, on the other side  of NWT is Yukon Territory, while beyond that again is Alaska. In the northern  strip of Canada to the east Nunavut has territory close to Quebec but no  territory was ceded to Nunavut from that province.

As you know the land mass of the north is massive and sparsely populated. For  example, we in Canada are just about 10% of the US population at approximately  30-35 million people. Indigenous groups exist in all parts of Canada except  Newfoundland where they were exterminated some years ago. Except for Quebec  which has its own northern and aboriginal programme other native groups are  ’looked after’ by the federal government Department of Indian and Northern  Development. When I worked in the northern part of Quebec 30+ years ago the  government person was called an Indian Agent. Names change but the history of  the years of exploitation remains.

There is a lot going on socially, politically, and economically but the ordinary  Inuit sees very little of the benefits. I’ve mentioned other aboriginal groups  deliberately because the lives of all of them are intertwined, if by nothing  else then by the forms of exploitation and history of oppression. Among these  number members of the invading, trading and praying brigade who moved like  locusts across the land sucking the living spirit out of those it exploited and  leaving the debris of abused people in their wake.

The Hudson Bay Company from the UK was concerned with furs and instant wealth.  The original banalities of the original investors (aristocracy) couldn’t see the  usefulness of Canada as a land, what they wanted was trading posts to supply the  wealth from the north. The different clergy came along too, hanging on the  coat-tails of mighty in order to establish their own bridghead. There have been  many stories told of sexual abuse of aboriginal kids who were forced away to  residential schools by the clergy. They were forbidden to use their own  languages and mistreated in different ways. Much the same as ‘disowned’ children  from England who were cleared out of the orphanages and shipped overseas to  ’colonise’ different countries at the age of five years and up. The Christian  Brothers in Australia were the same Catholic group who did a great deal of  damage to the kids here in Canada. Quebecers suffered until the late 1960′s with  the domination of the church because the church dictated all aspect of life in  the province.

The Inuit here were nomads and they still went out ‘On the Land’ until about  fifty years ago when the federal government ordered them to be in one place. For  the people here Kugluktuk used to be a summer meeting place for a few weeks of  the year. Scattered communities, family groups lived along the coast for many  miles but the Inuit had no sense of everybody living together. They had hunting and survival skills a-plenty but they had no written language. Although they  stopped moving around, and I don’t yet know how the government compelled them to  stop their migratory traditions, people still go away for extended periods of  time. As a result of the continued extended trips on the land I’ve had men and  women in my courses that have only been to school for a few weeks when they were  very young. One 24-year-old man, a hunter, could read but he could not write and  like two or three others in the class he had no idea how to approach math.  Putting numbers down in order to perform addition of tens, or hundreds proved to  be a complex operation.

Although I was here in the north 27 years ago I was moving around more working  with people who wanted to establish retail co-operative stores. This time, being  in the classroom I have learned a little more about the impact of education on  particular individuals. The white mans education doesn’t serve too many white  people very well and yet governments impose a lousy system on people of totally  different cultures. Certainly Inuit people within their own community boundaries  have not fared too well. I am informed that the successful people who are  currently in government, or who are in business were sent ‘out’ for their  education. That does not necessarily mean to the Residential schools, but to  say, Yellowknife, NWT to stay in a hostel for a number of years before returning  home or going on to university. For the people I’ve had in my class there is the  difficulty of ‘thinking things through’. I’m a supporter of the concept of  critical theory and I like to bring to different learning groups a critical  approach to whatever we are doing. For my students here thinking in the abstract  was foreign. The stock answer to me requesting ‘some idea’ of the problem was  universally ‘I dunno…’ This was not an adult student recalling the practice of  avoidance of his or her school days. This was an honest answer; there was no  sense of connecting two separate things to create a third. Let me give a very  simple every day example. I didn’t know where we could begin because I have  learned that when a person tells me they have completed grade nine I wait to  make my own assessment because they do not have the associated thinking or  problem solving skills that should accompany that level of accomplishment.

I soon learned that three or four people had difficulty with their  multiplication tables. I had prepared a block chart, do you remember the kind of  thing, from 1 to 12 along the top and from 1 to 12 down the side and in each  square intersecting two numbers (top and bottom) the appropriate result of multiplying both those numbers. Yes, they said they understood. We were talking  later about a math problem that required multiplication. Instead of using their  new chart, they were trying to determine the answer by scratching in their  notebook the ‘many different’ possibilities to find the correct answer. Not a  single person had thought to use the multiplication chart and did not understand  me when I told them that it was a tool to assist in solving other problems. The  difficulties are many. And there is the need for employment.

I’ll write again.  Peter

February 17, 2013

The Comanches and the Yanomami

Filed under: indigenous,Jared Diamond,Yanomami — louisproyect @ 6:28 pm

Napoleon Chagnon

Almost five years ago to the day, I resolved to begin researching the Comanche Indians of the southern Plains after reading Cormac McCarthy’s “Blood Meridian”, a novel that was committed to the idea that this tribe (for lack of a better word) was no better than the white settlers who would eventually slaughter them into submission and drive the survivors into reservations. “Blood Meridian” is described on the official website of the Cormac McCarthy Society as a dismantling of “the politically correct myth of aboriginal victimization, so that victims and their antagonists become indistinguishable.”

Now, after having read between 4 and 5 thousand pages on the Comanches, I am finally putting together an article for a special issue on indigenous peoples in “Capitalism, Nature, and Socialism”. The last book I am in the progress of reading that will help me finalize my thesis—namely, that the Comanches were bit players in the capitalist transformation of the southern Plains—is David J. Weber’s “Bárbaros: Spaniards and Their Savages in the Age of Enlightenment”.

On page 76 he gets to the heart of the matter, whether kin-based societies (ie., tribes) were warlike and violent and that “primitive man is a…warrior”. The scholars who defend this view go so far as to say that war is an expression of “human biology”. Other scholars, according to Weber, view warfare as “a response to material conditions in general and to European influences in particular.”

As it turns out Weber’s footnotes mention Brian Ferguson as a leading authority defending the “material conditions” outlook. Just three days ago I had emailed Brian to see if he could recommend any material on the Comanches. I knew of his prior work on Yanomami “warfare”, alluded to in Weber’s notes:

Brian Ferguson offers some of the most compelling arguments that Western contacts generated Native warfare. See, for example, Ferguson, 1900b, 237-57, and Ferguson, 1995, where he makes a case that Yanomamis (Chagnon’s “fierce people” who inhabit a remote mountainous country between Brazil and Venezuela), were not fierce or warlike until European manufactured goods altered their trading relationships with neighboring peoples.

It is more than coincidence that the Chagnon story came up twice this week, once in the Chronicle of Higher Education and now in today’s Sunday NY Times Magazine section. Both articles are geared to the 74 year old anthropologist’s new memoir titled “Noble Savages: My Life Among Two Dangerous Tribes – the Yanomamo and the Anthropologists” [Chagnon uses "Yanomamo; other anthropologists prefer "Yanomami"].

I first learned of Chagnon in 2000 when the Chronicle of Higher Education began reporting on a huge controversy that had erupted over the publication of Patrick Tierney’s “Darkness in El Dorado”, a book that charged Tierney with a number of crimes. Chief among them was  a genocide based on the supposed administration of a faulty measles vaccine designed to support an experiment on native resistance to the disease.

The Tierney-Chagnon wars are reviewed in considerable detail in the article titled “Who are the Real Savages?” by Emily Eakin that is surprisingly objective. Given the NY Times’s tendency to side with the establishment, I fully expected a whitewash of Chagnon. He instead comes across as fairly despicable even if he is cleared at the end of the article as being mostly wronged by Tierney. In my view, Tierney’s biggest mistake was the measles vaccine accusation that was far too much an expression of conspiracist thinking. Most of the damage that Chagnon did to the Yanomami was attributable to his own bullheaded insensitivity rather than conscious evil. This excerpt from Eakin’s article will give you an idea of what he was up to:

He spent his first few months trying to learn the villagers’ names and kinship ties, a standard practice at the time and a particular challenge in this case, given the Yanomami’s name taboos: to call someone by his name is often an insult, and the names of the dead aren’t supposed to be uttered at all. Chagnon rewarded informants with fish hooks, matches and, for men who really dished, knives and machetes. (The Yanomami made no metal tools themselves.) Then, on a visit to another village, Chagnon cautiously mentioned the names of the Bisaasi-teri headman and his wife. The residents burst out laughing. He realized that he’d been had: the names he’d been given were slang for genitalia.

I actually prefer Chagnon’s telling of the story in a 1988 Science magazine titled “Life Histories, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population”. It is almost enough for me to feel kindly toward the elderly sociobiologist:

My anthropological bubble was burst when I visited a village about 10 hours’ walk to the southwest of Bisaasi-teri some five months after I had begun collecting genealogies on the Bisaasi-teri. I was chatting with the local headman of this village and happened to casually drop the name of the wife of the Bisaasi-teri headman. A stunned silence followed, and then a villagewide roar of uncontrollable laughter, choking, gasping, and howling followed. It seems that I thought the Bisaasi-teri headman was married to a woman named “hairy cunt.” It also seems that the Bisaasi-teri headman was called ‘long dong’ and his brother ‘eagle shit.’ The Bisaasi-teri headman had a son called “asshole” and a daughter called “fart breath.”

The title of Chagnon’s memoir should give you a good idea of where he is coming from. “Noble Savages” is the term coined by Rousseau that people such as Napoleon Chagnon hoped to debunk through an empirical study of a tribal people who made war in order to take women as booty. By having access to multiple sexual partners, the “savage” had a better chance of propagating his genes as Eakins puts it:

Chagnon believed that biology was essential to understanding the tribe’s warfare over women. After all, more women meant more opportunities to pass on genes through reproduction — a basic tenet of evolutionary thought. But biology had no place in the cultural-materialist paradigm. And explanations of human behavior that relied on evolutionary theory were typically met with suspicion in anthropological circles, a legacy of the American eugenics movement, which invoked Darwinian ideas to justify racist efforts to “improve” the gene pool. “The last bastions of resistance to evolutionary theory,” Chagnon told me, “are organized religion and cultural anthropology.”

The article cites Steven Pinker as an expert for the defense:

Scientists have since endorsed Chagnon’s Science article. “It shouldn’t be a shocking finding,” Steven Pinker, the Harvard evolutionary psychologist who cites the paper in his book, “The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined,” told me. “As a pattern in history, it’s well documented.” Pinker said that he was troubled by the notion that social scientists should suppress unflattering information about their subjects because it could be exploited by others. “This whole tactic is a terrible mistake: always putting your moral action in jeopardy of empirical findings,” he told me. “Once you have the equation that the Yanomami are nonviolent and deserve to be protected, the converse is that if they are violent they don’t deserve to be protected.”

For those who haven’t kept track of the science wars, “evolutionary psychologist” is just another way of saying sociobiologist, a term that has become tarnished over the years for its obvious connection to social Darwinism. Pinker’s views about the warlike character of pre-class societies have been echoed by Jared Diamond, whose new book “The World until Yesterday: What Can We Learn from Traditional Societies?” will likely repeat the points he has made in the past.

On February 3rd the Guardian reported on the reaction of Survival International to Diamond’s new book:

Survival accuses Diamond of applying studies of 39 societies, of which 10 are in his realm of direct experience in New Guinea and neighbouring islands, to advance a thesis that tribal peoples across the world live in a state of near-constant warfare.

“It’s a profoundly damaging argument that tribal peoples are more violent than us,” said Survival’s Jonathan Mazower. “It simply isn’t true. If allowed to go unchallenged … it would do tremendous damage to the movement for tribal people’s rights. Diamond has constructed his argument using a small minority of anthropologists and using statistics in a way that is misleading and manipulative.”

In a lengthy and angry rebuttal on Saturday, Diamond confirmed his finding that “tribal warfare tends to be chronic, because there are not strong central governments that can enforce peace”. He accused Survival of falling into the thinking that views tribal people either as “primitive brutish barbarians” or as “noble savages, peaceful paragons of virtue living in harmony with their environment, and admirable compared to us, who are the real brutes”

Of course Diamond raises the “noble savage” canard as if his opponents think that indigenous peoples lived in a Garden of Eden. In reality the primary focus among Marxists, or their closest relatives cultural materialists like Marvin Harris, is on the social and economic factors that lead to peace or violence. To invoke the term “noble savage” is tantamount to a kind of essentialism that people like Brian Ferguson are anxious to eschew at all costs.

Like the Yanomamo, the Comanches of the 19th century have become poster boys for those who would line up with Pinker, Diamond and Chagnon, even if they are not so committed to evolutionary psychology. Two recent scholarly books “Comanche Empire” and “War of a Thousand Deserts” are replete with descriptions of wanton Comanche violence. Reports of scalping, rape, kidnapping, and murder appear on every few pages.

While the authors of “Comanche Empire” and “War of a Thousand Deserts” are unknown to the average American, a recent book by a journalist that obviously draws from their scholarship was a Pulitzer Prize finalist and a best seller. This is how author S.C. Gwynne described the Comanches in “Empire of the Summer Moon”:

Thus some chroniclers ignore the brutal side of Indian life altogether; others, particularly historians who suggest that before white men arrived Indian-to-Indian warfare was a relatively bloodless affair involving a minimum of bloodshed, deny it altogether.16 But certain facts are inescapable: American Indians were warlike by nature, and they were warlike for centuries before Columbus stumbled upon them. They fought over hunting grounds, to be sure, but they also made a good deal of brutal and bloody war that was completely unnecessary. The Comanches’ relentless and never-ending pursuit of the hapless Tonkawas was a good example of this, as was their harassment of Apaches long after they had been driven from the buffalo grounds. Such behavior was common to all Indians in the Americas. The more civilized agrarian tribes of the east, in fact, were far more adept at devising lengthy and agonizing tortures than the Comanches or other plains tribes.17 The difference lay in the Plains Indians’ treatment of female captives and victims. Rape or abuse, including maiming, of females had existed when eastern tribes had sold captives as slaves in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But that practice had been long ago abandoned. Some tribes, including the giant Iroquois federation, had never treated women captives that way.’ Women could be killed, and scalped. But not gang-raped. What happened to the Parker captives could only have happened west of the Mississippi. If the Comanches were better known for cruelty and violence, that was because, as one of history’s great warring peoples, they were in a position to inflict far more pain than they ever received.

Most important, the Indians themselves saw absolutely nothing wrong with these acts. For westering settlers, the great majority of whom believed in the idea of absolute good and evil, and thus of universal standards of moral behavior, this was nearly impossible to understand. Part of it had to do with the Comanches’ theory of the nature of the universe, which was vastly different from that of the civilized West. Comanches had no dominant, unified religion, or anything like a single God. Though in interviews after their defeat they often seemed to go along with the idea of a “Great Spirit,” Comanche ethnographers Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel were extremely skeptical of any creation myths that involved a single spirit or an “evil one.”19 “We never gave much consideration to creation,” said an old Comanche named Post Oak Jim in an interview in the 1930s. “We just knew we were here. Our thoughts were mostly directed toward understanding the spirits.”‘

The Comanches lived in a world alive with magic and taboo; spirits lived everywhere, in rocks, trees, and in animals. The main idea of their religion was to find a way to harness the powers of these spirits. Such powers thus became “puha,” or “medicine.” There was no dogma, no priestly class to impose systematic religion, no tendency to view the world as anything but a set of isolated episodes, with no deeper meaning. There were behavioral codes, to be sure—a man could not steal another man’s wife without paying penalties, for example. But there was no ultimate good and evil: just actions and consequences; injuries and damages due.

Enemies, meanwhile, were enemies, and the rules for dealing with them had come down through a thousand years. A Comanche brave who captured a live Ute would torture him to death without question. It was what every-one had always done, what the Sioux did to the Assiniboine, what the Crow did to the Blackfeet. A Comanche captured by a Ute would expect to receive exactly the same treatment (thus making him weirdly consistent with the idea of the Golden Rule), which was why Indians always fought to their last breath on battlefields, to the astonishment of Europeans and Americans. There were no exceptions. Of course, the same Indians also believed, quite as deeply, in blood vengeance. The life of the warrior tortured to death would be paid for with another torture-killing if possible, preferably even more hideous than the first. This, too, was seen as fair play by all Indians in the Americas.

What explains such a radical difference in the moral systems of the Comanches and the whites they confronted? Part of it has to do with the relative progress of civilizations in the Americas compared to the rest of the world. The discovery of agriculture, which took place in Asia and the Middle East, roughly simultaneously, around 6,500 BC, allowed the transition from nomadic, hunter-gatherer societies to the higher civilizations that followed. But in the Americas, farming was not discovered until 2,500 BC, fully four thousand years later and well after advanced cultures had already sprung up in Egypt and Mesopotamia. This was an enormous gap. Once the Indians figured out how to plant seeds and cultivate crops, civilizations in North and South America progressed at roughly the same pace as they had in the Old World. Cities were built. Highly organized social structures evolved. Pyramids were designed. Empires were assembled, of which the Aztecs and Incas were the last. (As in the Old World, nomadism and hunter-gatherer cultures persisted alongside the higher civilizations.) But the Americas, isolated and in any case without the benefit of the horse or the ox, could never close the time gap. They were three to four millennia behind the Europeans and Asians, and the arrival of Columbus in 1492 guaranteed that they would never catch up. The nonagrarian Plains Indians, of course, were even further behind. Thus the fateful clash between settlers from the culture of Aristotle, St. Paul, Da Vinci, Luther, and Newton and aboriginal horsemen from the buffalo plains happened as though in a time warp—as though the former were looking backward thousands of years at premoral, pre-Christian, low-barbarian versions of themselves. The Celtic peoples, ancestors of huge numbers of immigrants to America in the nineteenth century, offer a rough parallel. Celts of the fifth century BC were described by Herodotus as “fierce warriors who fought with seeming disregard for their own lives.”‘ Like Comanches they were savage, filthy, wore their hair long, and had a hideous keening battle cry. They were superb horsemen, inordinately fond of alcohol, and did terrible things to their enemies and captives that included decapitation, a practice that horrified the civilized Greeks and Romans!’ The old Celts, forebears of the Scots-Irish who formed the vanguard of America’s western migrations, would have had no “moral” problem with the Comanche practice of torture.

The civilized Greeks and Romans? Only someone steeped in the imperialist and racist ideology of a republic borne from the savage Greco-Roman bowels could ever make such a statement.

The best antidote to this way of thinking is a BBC documentary narrated by Monty Python’s Terry Jones that can be see in part here:

Jones quotes the words of a Celtic general as found in the writings of Tacitus. Although Tacitus was a Roman, he was not above allowing one of the “barbarians” to make an eloquent case for his people. It includes the famous dictum: “They built a wilderness (or solitude) and call it peace”, an apt description of Iraq today.

 To us who dwell on the uttermost confines of the earth and of freedom, this remote sanctuary of Britain’s glory has up to this time been a defence. Now, however, the furthest limits of Britain are thrown open, and the unknown always passes for the marvellous. But there are no tribes beyond us, nothing indeed but waves and rocks, and the yet more terrible Romans, from whose oppression escape is vainly sought by obedience and submission. Robbers of the world, having by their universal plunder exhausted the land, they rifle the deep. If the enemy be rich, they are rapacious; if he be poor, they lust for dominion; neither the east nor the west has been able to satisfy them. Alone among men they covet with equal eagerness poverty and riches. To robbery, slaughter, plunder, they give the lying name of empire; they make a solitude and call it peace (ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant).

UPDATE:
Chagnon’s memoir was eviscerated in the Sunday Times Book Review.

February 2, 2013

The political economy of Comanche horse-stealing raids

Filed under: indigenous — louisproyect @ 8:30 pm

A Comanche named Bow and Quiver. Painted by George Catlin in 1832

In early 2008, not long after seeing the Coen brothers’ “No Country for Old Men”, a film that I found perversely at odds with storytelling good sense—the most interesting and attractive character is killed off long before the plot winds down to a philosophical burp uttered by a sheriff played by Tommy Lee Jones—I decided to have a look at the work of Cormac McCarthy whose novel the film is based on.

I decided to read “Blood Meridian” because it was based on incidents that took place in Texas in the mid-1800s and supposedly researched thoroughly by McCarthy. This was what I had to say about the novel in my review of “No Country for Old Men”:

If I had more time on my hands, I might take a look at McCarthy’s novels to try to extract out the rotten core and examine it under a strong light, especially the 1985 “Blood Meridian” that is described on the official website of the Cormac McCarthy Society as a dismantling of “the politically correct myth of aboriginal victimization, so that victims and their antagonists become indistinguishable.” The write-up continues:

In one celebrated scene, a column of mercenaries the kid has joined encounters a Comanche war party herding stolen horses and cattle across the desert. The kid barely escapes as the Indians, still vividly dressed like eldritch clowns in the garments they have stripped from their last white victims, annihilate his companions.

Just what the world was waiting for, a Faulkneresque novel that depicts American Indians as wanton killers.

I finally got around to reading the novel and was so appalled by the portrayal of the Comanche, who were treated far better in John Ford’s “The Searchers”, that I resolved to do an in-depth study of this much-maligned Indian tribe. Over the past 4 years I have read about 2000 pages on their history but had put it on the back burner.

Recently I asked to contribute to a special issue on indigenous issues for “Capitalism, Nature and Socialism”, the journal founded by James O’Connor. Although I have generally sworn off writing for print publications, especially those of the kind that Aaron Swartz tried to liberate, I decided to put the Comanche on the front burner and write something up on their political economy—focusing on their notorious penchant for horse raids in Northern Mexico. This quote from Brian Delay’s “War of a Thousand Deserts”, published in 2008, should give you a feel for the commodity exchange that led to permanent war—as symbolic in its own way as the “triangular trade” of sugar, rum, and slaves of an earlier period. But in this case, the triangle consisted of horses, guns, and slaves.

Brian Delay (emphasis added):

Hois and Tenewas [Comanche bands] had another major firm to do business with. Sam Houston cautiously tried to secure a negotiated settlement with the Hois soon after he reassumed the presidency of Texas in late 1841, though formal peace would take years to materialize. As part of the gradual thaw in relations, Houston engaged the firm of Torrey and Brothers to establish several trading posts. John Torreyand his brothers established posts at Austin, San Antonio, New Braunfels, and elsewhere in the early 1840s. In 1843 they received a license from the Texan government authorizing a major trading house on Tehuacana Creek, near the Brazos Falls, just on the edge of Comanche territory. This post was critical to Houston’s Indian policy and came to have a virtual monopoly on the licensed Indian trade in Texas.

All of these firms had the same material interests: hides, horses, mules, and, occasionally, captives. Traders could dispose of horses and mules that Comanches and their allies had seized from northern Mexico in a number of ways. As early as 1827 Anglo-American traders reported that they could buy mules for dollars in northern Mexico and sell them in Missouri for sixty. The Bents drove their herds to eastern Missouri, where, by the early 1840s, thousands of emigrants were buying tens of thousands of animals to pull, pack, and carry them and their families to Oregon. The growing U.S. Army presence in the western states was another important market for horses and mules. And exponential population growth in Texas during the 1830s and 1840s meant that many thousands of Anglo farmers would need horses and mules to clear land, haul plows, and transport goods to market. Most brought animals with them to Texas, but those who did not and those who needed more would have had little compunction about buying animals with Mexican brands via traders such as the Torreys. It is also possible that many horses and mules stolen from Mexican settlements made their way east of the Mississippi to help with the enormous project of clearing and working the millions of acres of tribal land opened up to Americans following Indian removal.

What did Texans and Americans give Comanches and Kiowas in return for their hides, horses, mules, and captives? Most Mexican observers understandably focused on two commodities in particular: guns and ammunition. Mexico had been lodging formal complaints with U.S. officials over the weapons trade since the 1820s, and even in the midst of the Texas revolt Santa Anna accused Anglo-Texans of arming Indian raiders. Later historians have followed the Mexican sources and focused on the animals-for-arms trade between Comanches and Anglos as well, suggesting that it was perhaps the key dynamic propelling the violence of the 1830s and 1840s. Some Anglo-American traders did indeed supply Comanches and their allies with guns and ammunition. Coffee [a businessman who traded with the Comanche] did. A Mexican man who had been held among Comanches between 1820 and 1830 insisted that Americans came to his rancheria every year to trade weapons and powder, and these were probably Coffee’s men. Sometimes the trade proceeded informally: the Texan commissioner for Indian affairs lamented the fact that Anglo-Texan settlers provided Comanches with arms and ammunition. Torrey’s establishments sometimes distributed powder and lead to men from the southern plains, though ostensibly in modest amounts for hunting purposes only. By the mid-1840s Hois openly approached the fort and interior towns in an attempt to acquire the ammunition they needed “to carry on the war with Mexico.”

 

August 16, 2012

The Blackfoot Indian versus fracking

Filed under: energy,indigenous,oil — louisproyect @ 3:26 pm

Today’s NY Times has an article on the divisions among the Blackfoot people in Browning, Montana over fracking.

It is an increasingly common sight for tribes across the West and Plains: Tourist spending has gone slack since the recession hit. American Indian casino revenues are stagnating just as tribal gambling faces new competition from online gambling and waves of new casinos. Oil and fracking are new lifelines.

One drilling rig on the Blackfeet reservation generated 49 jobs for tribal members — a substantial feat in a place where unemployment is as high as 70 percent. But as others watched the rigs rise, they wondered whether the tribe was making an irrevocable mistake.

“These are our mountains,” said Cheryl Little Dog, a recently elected member of the Blackfeet Tribal Business Council, the reservation’s governing body. “I look at what we have, and I think, why ruin it over an oil rig?”

Oil exploration here began in the 1920s, largely on the plains along the eastern edge of the reservation, but it died off in the early 1980s. Over the last four years, though, new fracking technologies and rising oil prices have lured the drillers back, and farther and farther west, to the mountains that border Glacier National Park.

Oil companies have leased out the drilling rights for a million of the reservation’s 1.5 million acres, land held by the tribe, according to the Bureau of Indian Affairs. They have drilled 30 exploratory wells this year alone, and are already engaged in fracking many of them, pumping a slurry of water, sand and chemicals to crack open underground rock beds to pry out the oil.

“It’ll change the lives of a lot of people,” said Grinnell Day Chief, the tribe’s oil and gas manager. “It’ll be a boost to everybody. There’s talk of a hotel coming up.”

Read full article

Facebook group for Blackfeet anti-fracking coalition

As it turns out, this is an Indian reservation I visited in the late 90s through connections I had made with Jim Craven, an economics professor of Blackfoot descent who was subscribed to PEN-L at the time. About three years after that trip I returned to the Blackfoot reservation in Alberta, Canada just north of Browning to participate in a tribunal on residential school abuse that Jim Craven had organized. Through my trips out west and through research on the Blackfoot I managed to learn quite a bit about their struggle and eventually wrote an article on “The Blackfoot and the Barbarian” that pretty much exemplifies my approach to indigenous issues as a Mariátegui disciple.

(I should mention that I have used the word Blackfoot rather than Blackfeet over the years mainly because of Jim Craven’s insistence that the latter term is racist. Frankly, I am not so sure whether the distinction is as important to the tribe as it was to Jim but as is generally the case I am happy to respect the views of a member of an oppressed nationality when it comes to matters such as this.)

In 1998 I wrote an article titled “Energy Tribes” that addresses the economic contradictions that led to fracking on the Browning reservation. I am reproducing it below in order to provide some insights into what is called commonly called environmental racism and that is felt particularly hard by indigenous peoples in the Americas.

Energy Tribes

One of the crowning ironies of the history of this racist, capitalist country is that Indian reservations today hold enormous quantities of coal, oil, gas and uranium. If the 19th century architects of genocide had been able to predict this startling outcome, they probably would have simply killed every last Indian in order to put a lock on future profits. The struggle for Indian control of these resources has turned out to be one of the sharpest struggles of the past 25 years.

What is the magnitude of these reserves? “Breaking the Iron Bonds,” by Marjane Ambler (U. of Kansas, 1990), lays out the numbers for the year 1974:

The Interior Department said thirty-three reservations had as much as 200 billion tons of coal, which represented as much as 30 percent of all the coal west of the Mississippi. Federal estimates of uranium holdings ranged from 16 percent to 37 percent of the nation’s total. The department said forty Indian reservations held reserves of 4.2 billion barrels of oil and 17.5 trillion cubic feet of gas–3 percent of the nation’s known reserves. Most of these minerals still lay underground; so even if the tribes had been politically able to operate as a cartel, they could not have influenced energy fuel prices. Nevertheless, they represented the largest mineral owners in the country outside the federal government and the railroads.

These reserves became the subject of intense interest in the early 1970s during the so-called energy crisis. Almost overnight, tribes who eked out a living as ranchers or farmers were receiving bids from some of the biggest and most avaricious companies in America. Two American Indians emerged as champions of tribal rights against the marauders. They sought to accurately measure the amount of energy reserves. They also had to figure out how to defend the development needs of the tribes against the interests of corporations who were merely out to make a quick profit. In other words, all corporations.

One of these was the Comanche LaDonna Harris, who was instrumental in the formation of Council of Energy Resource Tribes (CERT) in 1975, a coalition to protect Indian interests. Not coincidentally, she was Barry Commoner’s vice-presidential running mate on the Citizens Party ticket in 1980. Such was the racism of the radical movement that when her name used to come up that year, they referred to her as “Just some Indian woman.” That was enough to satisfy the curiosity of a brain-dead leftist movement that could not appreciate the importance of ecologists and American Indians coalescing. There is evidence that it still doesn’t.

Harris had founded Americans for Indian Opportunity (AIO) in order to promote tribal self-government. Concerned about disadvantageous contracts with energy companies, she hired 3 interns from Dartmouth University to review federal records. The results were earthshaking. Nobody had ever realized the magnitude of the potential wealth. She presented Federal Energy Administration (FEA) chief Frank Zerb with the evidence in the summer of 1975 and read him the riot act. “You can’t have an energy policy without Indians; collectively, they’re the biggest private owners of energy in the country.”

Another key figure was Chuck Thomas, a Cherokee who worked as an oil-field inspector for the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS). If Harris was instrumental in putting a spotlight on the existence of huge energy reserves, Thomas was critical in raising tribal awareness about the need to tightly control them. He figured out something was amiss on June 13, 1980 when he caught an oil truck leaving the Wind River Reservation without a permit. This led to a full-scale investigation and upgrade of the inspection and accounting system on the energy-rich reservations. Thomas was the right person to help put new training procedures into place. Before going to work for the USGS, he had worked in the oil fields for fifteen years as a roustabout and roughneck. He was plain-spoken about his qualifications. “I’m not a man of long words and big politics…I have a worm’s eye view of it (oil thefts) because I was the man in the field.” He had blunt advice for Indian youth who were interning with him: “Be suspicious and trust nothing or nobody.”

CERT played an important role in defending tribal interests during the energy boom years. The revenues that came from royalty payments from big corporations, while not eliminating Indian poverty, did play a role in tribal development. One of the most tangible results was the creation of the Blackfeet Tribal bank, the beneficiary of Jim Craven’s consultation services. The Blackfeet tribe derived 90 percent of its total income in 1985 from oil and gas royalties and taxes.

The emergence of a cartel-like formation like CERT scared the tribes’ enemies out of its wits. During the mid-1970s OPEC was the bogeyman of many Americans, rich and not-so-rich. The notion that Americans would have to pay top dollar for petroleum was shocking. It was one thing for Americans to have a monopoly on computer software, automobiles, weapons, medicine, etc., but it was another thing for the rest of the world to assert itself in this manner. All nations were equal, but some nations were more equal than others.

The Denver Post fretted over the emergence of CERT in a 1979 editorial:

Supposedly we are to pony up cheerfully so the noose of escalating energy prices can be tightened around our necks… The people who manipulate Indian policies are indulging in much nonsense…Admittedly, justice has not always been dispensed equitably. But is the sufferance of our national government–dedicated to tribal advancement [??!!]–that gives the tribes leeway to act with more independence than other Americans.

But limits there are. Imagine what would happen if some adviser persuaded a tribal group to sign a treaty with Libya which Colonel Quaddafy was to ship Russian missiles to the reservation to guarantee the tribe’s integrity.

These fears, which were largely a psychological projection of rapacious American capitalists on their victims, were heightened when CERT hired Ahmed Kooros as its chief economist. Kooros had served as Iran’s deputy minister of economics and oil under both the Shah and Khomeini.

The parallel with OPEC nations was of course overdrawn. The true relationship between the U.S. and the energy tribes was not unlike that which exists between it and oil-producing countries like Nigeria and Angola that have non-industrialized, financially weak economies. The possibility for exploitation is much greater. The producers do get royalties, but it comes at a price. The big corporations leave the underdeveloped countries in a state of ecological ruin while draining the life-blood of the nation. The relationship is like Dracula’s to his victims. Dracula might treat somebody to a good meal but afterwards the guest became a blood-pudding dessert.

The most dramatic instance of the social and environmental costs of energy development was the break in a tailing dam at the United Nuclear Corporation’s Church Rock, New Mexico uranium mill on July 16, 1979. (Tailings are the residue of uranium mining.) One hundred million tons of radioactive water spilled into the Rio Puerco River on the Navajo reservation and it took on a sickly yellow hue, like battery acid. Animals that stepped into the river developed sores on their legs and died almost immediately. For the next year Navajos could neither eat nor sell mutton, an economic mainstay of the tribe. For the next decade the Indians and other people living near the river could not use local water supplies for drinking or stock watering. Despite all the publicity surrounding 3-Mile Island, this was the worst nuclear plant accident in American history.

Another noteworthy example of the destructiveness of unregulated energy development is what happened at the Upper Missouri River Basin in the 1980s. The tribes of the Northern Plains felt the need to defend their long-term interests against some powerful energy corporations that were planning a huge coal gasification plant in Wyoming. The companies needed water from nearby states where Indians had ownership of the potential supply. The plant and ancillary energy development operations would require huge amounts of water. The only source was the nearby Yellowstone River, as important to the Northern Plains tribes as the Rio Puerco was to the Navajos.

The federal government was all for the diversion of water to the Wyoming mega-project. A formal request had come from the following companies: Peabody Coal, Gulf Oil, AMAX, Shell Oil, Exxon, Kerr-McGee, Western Energy Corporation, Consolidated Coal, ARCO, Conoco, Mobil and WESCO. How could the US turn down a request from such companies? After all, they bribe both parties to carry out their wishes.

Arrayed against the government and energy companies was a coalition of ranchers, environmentalists and Indians. Potential royalty payment to the tribes was not enough to placate them. Their relationship to the land and water, which had pastoral and spiritual dimensions, could not easily be priced. This in essence is the source of the conflict between the tribes and capitalist America, just as it is in other parts of the world. Last week 10,000 villagers occupied the construction site of a dam on the Narmada river in India. It would destroy their livelihood as well as strip the river of the sacred quality it held in their lives. The main beneficiaries of the dam would be wealthy farmers.

A final example will illustrate not only the conflicts between the corporations and the tribes, but within different tribes themselves. The power of the dollar is enormous. A big corporation will not be above pitting one group of Indians against another when it is seeking to advance its bottom line. Capitalists have been dividing and conquering for centuries. Since they are such a tiny percentage of the population, they are always seeking ways to weaken their potential victims.

I am referring here to the conflict between the Hopi and Navajo tribes over development in the Black Mesa region of New Mexico. This is an extremely complex problem that pits the development needs of the Hopi tribe against Navajo sheepherders. There are enormous profits at stake as the Peabody Coal Company has targeted this area for extensive development of coal and other energy resources. I will not even begin to try to arbitrate the rival claims of the two tribes, but refer to the Black Mesa Web Page for testimony from both sides in the dispute.

In a 1993 complaint to Secretary of the Interior Bruce Babbitt, the Navajos complained about the slurry line that transports approximately 5 million tons of coal each year from Black Mesa to Laughlin, Nevada. It was “the only instance in American history where coal has been transported with groundwater that represents the only source of drinking water for an Indian Tribe.” Since the Peabody Coal Company uses over a billion gallons of pristine drinking water from the Navajo-Aquifer, it is no surprise that a drought afflicted both the Hopi and Navajo reservations in 1996. Development comes at a cost.

As long as tribes insist on putting their own interests above other tribes, the capitalist will come out ahead. The capitalist has trained himself to do this. Cecil Rhodes perfected this art in Africa and was able to safeguard the interests of the mining companies while trampling on the rights of the tribal peoples. A recent PBS biography of the arch-imperialist showed how he did it You promise one tribe one thing as long as it will make war against the other. When the tribe is victorious and hands the spoils of war over to the British colonists, they simply find another tribe to enlist in their sordid fight.

There is absolutely no question that a higher level of American Indian unity is necessary to protect the economic and ecological rights of one and all. This is easier said than done because the tribes have histories that go back for hundreds of years. Some experts analyze the conflicts between Hopi and Navajo as having existed long before the appearance of Peabody. Their resolution would seem to be one of the most urgent tasks facing Indian peoples.

Economic necessity is driving Indian nationalism, a progressive force. The emergence of CERT shows that Indians can coalesce nationally when their interests as a people coincide. Despite a downturn in the energy sector of the economy through the 1980s and 90s, there is little question that it will reemerge with a vengeance. There are several factors that lie behind this.

First of all, energy companies have a double standard when it comes to pollution. They view Indian reservations and Third World countries as less deserving of the sort of protections that white American neighborhoods enjoy. The term for this is “environmental racism.” This is in part a reflection of the tendency of mainstream environmental organizations to fight harder for their own constituencies, which are largely white and middle-class. An oil spill in the ocean near Santa Monica aroused the affluent swimmers and surfers to action. A uranium spill in New Mexico hardly registers on mass consciousness, even when it is greater than what occurred at 3-Mile Island.

Energy companies have less latitude in white, middle-class or even working-class neighborhoods, so they go overseas to make the kind of profits they need to satisfy Wall Street. Chevron Oil had to clean up its act in the waters off Santa Monica, but throws caution to the wind in Nigeria. Nigeria, like large sections of New Mexico, is an environmental disaster. When poor people object to pollution, their “benefactors” argue that they have to make a choice between clean air and water, and jobs. The term for this is “greenmail.” Opposed to greenmail is the demand that all development take place under the strictest environmental guidelines. People must come before profits.

Another important consideration has to do with the potential importance of uranium mining in the near future. Concerns over global warming have spurred new interest in alternatives to oil and gas, greenhouse emission producing fuels. The more sensible approach would be to explore solar and wind energy, but nuclear power companies have been pressing their case. Their lobbyists were very active at the recent Kyoto Global Warming conference. East Asia is a potential market for their poisons. The Chinese and other Asian governments are planning to build 70 nuclear power plants in the next 25 years. A large portion of the fuel will certainly come from the Indian reservations, where more than 1/3 of potential reserves exists. The capitalist would love to mine uranium without caution in such places and sell it to Asian governments whose willingness to poison for profits equals their own.

The choice is not between poverty and pollution, although this is what the big corporations would have us believe. Development can take place without destroying rivers and soil in the process. Mining and oil-drilling can take place in a relatively safe manner, as long as certain guidelines are in place. The decision to mine or to drill for oil must first of all be made by the tribal peoples who will suffer the consequences both good and bad. Once they make this democratic decision, the oil, coal or uranium companies must respect the surrounding ecology.

How can the numerically small and impoverished Indian tribes force huge corporations like Peabody Coal or Exxon Oil to respect their economic and ecological demands? The answer is that they first must find ways to merge their tribal interests into a larger Indian collective. The American Indian nation would not abolish the local traditions of the tribe; it would simply present a united fist to those who would exploit it.

Closely related to this task is the need to internationalize the struggle. The American Indians on their own are a tiny percentage of the United States. However, they are part of an immense struggle that is going on world- wide against the same exact corporations who are attempting to foul their air, soil and water in the pursuit of profits. The Indians of the Amazon rainforest, the aborigines of Australia, New Guinea and New Zealand, the Odongi people in Nigeria are all in similar fights. There are signs that this type of internationalism is already beginning to take shape. North American Indians have offered solidarity to the peoples of Chiapas, who are defending themselves against a capitalist system that has more and more of a global character.

NAFTA and similar agreements accelerate the economic onslaught that has taking place within the borders of the United States, but displaces them into regions where protection of human rights are weaker. When a corporation faces a determined coalition of ranchers, environmentalists, trade unions and tribes within our borders, it has no recourse except to go places where the cops or army can openly repress such a coalition. This is what happens in Mexico, Guatemala and Brazil where the popular movement must deal with death squads and lesser forms of intimidation.

There is no other way to defend oneself from a marauding, profit-hungry, globe-trotting capitalist system except through international solidarity. The collapse of the East Asian economies makes the promise of prosperity through low wages and polluting industry even more hollow than it ever was. The only beneficiaries of low wages and pollution are the shareholders of the corporations who expect maximum profits. To satisfy these shareholders is to risk death from the poisons that the corporations spew in their name, since cutthroat competition will simply allow the investor to shift his money to a more profitable and anti-human corporation.

In my next post I will discuss American Indian beliefs about ecology, which are essential to understanding a way out of the madness of a capitalist system run amok.

(sources for this post include Marjane Ambler’s book and the Short History of Big Mountain – Black Mesa Web Site at http://www.aics.org/BM/bm.html)

June 22, 2012

Ikland

Filed under: Africa,anthropology,Film,indigenous — louisproyect @ 6:38 pm

Watch Trailer here

When documentary filmmaker Cevin Soling was in seventh grade, his social studies teacher passed out a copy of an essay by Lewis Thomas titled “The Iks“. It referred to a small tribe in northern Uganda that might have been called “the Ickies” based on what Thomas wrote:

The message of the book [anthropologist Colin Turnbull's "The Mountain People"] is that the Iks have transformed themselves into an irreversibly disagreeable collection of unattached, brutish creatures, totally selfish and loveless, in response to the dismantling of their traditional culture. Moreover, this is what the rest of us are like in our inner selves, and we will all turn into Iks when the structure of our society comes all unhinged.

They breed without love or even casual regard. They defecate on each other’s doorsteps. They watch their neighbors for signs of misfortune, and only then do they laugh. In the book they do a lot of laughing, having so much bad luck. Several times they even laughed at the anthropologist, who found this especially repellent (one senses, between the lines, that the scholar is not himself the world’s luckiest man). Worse, they took him into the family, snatched his food, defecated on his doorstep, and hooted dislike at him. They gave him two bad years.

Three decades later, Soling decided to travel to Ik territory and meet the people who were either maligned by Turnbull or lived up (or down) to the portrait. The chronicle of that voyage is in the marvelous documentary “Ikland” that closed yesterday at the Quad Cinema in New York City but can be ordered from the film’s website. As someone who has followed controversies in academic anthropology for the better part of two decades, I can say that this film should be required viewing in anthropology classes everywhere. It is a singular lesson in how the social scientist can impose their own worldview on an innocent people in a manner that reminds one of  colonial domination. After all, Turnbull’s Britain once ruled all of Uganda so why shouldn’t he have his way with a mere tribe?

While it was within the realm of possibility that the Ik were as bad as Thomas portrayed them (he did blame their obnoxious traits on circumstances forced on them rather than any genetic predisposition), Soling must have sensed that another reality lurked beneath the surface as he said in a statement on the Ikland website:

I also had guiding principles of what not to do. I did not want to take an objective detached approach of treating people as experimental subjects, where comparisons to the viewer become implicit. At the same time, I did not want to take the other extreme of idealizing their society. When people were interviewed, I designed a conversational tone to overcome inherent distance, which focused on their daily concerns and enabled their dignity to emerge.

On my own website, I include these words from Frankfurt School luminary Max Horkheimer: “a revolutionary career does not lead to banquets and honorary titles, interesting research and professorial wages. It leads to misery, disgrace, ingratitude, prison and a voyage into the unknown, illuminated by only an almost superhuman belief.”

After watching “Ikland”, one cannot help but think that Soling’s trek into Ik territory was also a “voyage into the unknown, illuminated by only an almost superhuman belief” that the intended subjects of the film were so deserving of having their story told that any sacrifice made on their behalf would be worth it. In Soling’s case, and that of the tiny production staff that accompanied him, that sacrifice might have been their lives.

As documented in the film with surprising casualness and even a comic tone, the trip into northern Uganda involved numerous threats to health and safety. Soling and his comrades sleep in an infirmary in a tiny village, the nearest thing to a hostel in the Ugandan countryside en route to their destination. In nearby beds, there are people suffering from Dengue fever and anthrax. As they continue north, they pitch tents on a dirt road (more like a trail) and are awoken in the middle of the night by growling lions just outside the flaps. In a phone interview conducted with the director last night, he revealed that the only thought that came to him was this is where I am going to die. Continuing further, they run into a herd of elephants and once again escape with their lives. (African elephants—unlike their Indian brethren—are not only untrainable, they are violently hostile to people.) But the biggest threat of all was bandits and the feral combatants of The Lord’s Resistance Army, a group prone to wanton amputations and executions. While on the road in the middle of the night, the tiny convoy is attacked by small arms fire and only survives by driving ahead on punctured tires.

When they finally arrive in Ik territory, they are greeted warily. Few whites venture that far north and the Ik people tend to view all outsiders with some degree of suspicion since they have been preyed upon by hostile tribes in Uganda and the Turkana from Kenya to the north. The Turkana are warlike pastoralists who raid in order to steal food and cattle or goats reminding me in some ways of the Comanche who used to launch raids into Mexico in the 1850s. Despite having lost a number of their tribe to Turkana raiders in recent days, an Ik leader tells Soling that the Turkana can be generous when times are good. Given the desertification impacting almost all of northern Africa today and the exploitation of fertile land for agri-exports like coffee or cotton, it is understandable why the Turkana would be on the warpath much of the time.

Once the film crew settles into a daily routine with their hosts, we learn that Colin Turnbull’s analysis was not to be trusted. Like most people living communally, the Ik share their goods. When asked if some of the tribe hoards during a famine, they reply that in such times nobody has anything so there is nothing to hoard. Soling’s goal in enabling the Ik “dignity to emerge” is met with flying colors. As survivors of terrible privations, the Ik remain stoic and generous with each other and accepting and good-natured toward their guests. Perhaps the only defecation left on a doorstep was Colin Turnbull’s misbegotten book.

One of Turnbull’s sharpest critics within the profession is Bernd Heine, whose “The Mountain People: Some Notes on the Ik of North-Eastern Uganda” (African: Journal of the International Institute, Vol. 55, No. 1, 1985) sets the record straight.

To start with, Turnbull visited the village of Pirre, an Ik center, but he came at a time when war forced non-Ik peoples to seek temporary refuge since it was the only village in the area that was policed and hence safe from banditry or terror. At times, therefore, the Ik were a minority there. Some of his main informants were not Ik at all but members of the Diding’a tribe.

Another of Turnbull’s errors was to view the Ik as hunter-gatherers like the pygmies he had also researched. He theorized that their anti-social behavior had something to do with being deprived of their livelihood since the state had banned hunting in Kidepo National Park, something that Lewis Thomas repeated:

The small tribe of Iks, formerly nomadic hunters and gatherers in the mountain valleys of northern Uganda, have become celebrities, literary symbols for the ultimate fate of disheartened, heartless mankind at large. Two disastrously conclusive things happened to them: the government decided to have a national park, so they were compelled by law to give up hunting in the valleys and become farmers on poor hillside soil, and then they were visited for two years by an anthropologist who detested them and wrote a book about them.

Thomas got the business about an anthropologist detesting them right, but they were never nomadic hunters. Instead they were farmers for at least 3000 years according to Heine, and as such quite good at it. Turnbull never figured out that they were farmers and kept looking for evidence of hunters being deprived of their way of life, almost one supposes like members of the NRA having their worst nightmare come true.

One of the most amusing and revealing passages in Heine’s critique deals with Turnbull’s flawed understanding of the Ik language:

Usually one of the first things an anthropologist in the field learns is the greetings. Turnbull made an effort, but with limited success. He notes, for example, that ‘the common, everyday greeting’ is ida piaji (Turnbull, 1974: 246). The Ik have a wide range of greeting forms, depending in particular on the time of the day. One of them is i-ida? (‘Are you [all right]?’), to which one replies, i-ida ‘bia ‘j? (‘Are you [all right] as well?’). It is probably the latter which he calls the ‘traditional’ or ‘common, everyday greeting’. It would seem that for all the two years he lived among the Ik he was not aware that he was greeting them with a reply to a greeting, furthermore with one which is used neither during the morning (ep-ida) nor during the afternoon hours (iria-ida).

I got a laugh out of this since my Turkish professor once read me the riot act when I told him “güle güle”, as a way of saying goodbye. Don’t you know, he said, the person staying behind says this, not the person leaving? Of course, I never claimed to be an expert on Turkish culture so I might be excused. Turnbull is another story altogether apparently.

I will conclude with Heine’s own restrained but devastating conclusion:

At first it was difficult to understand how Turnbull came to treat the Ik in his writings the way he did. The longer I was able to talk to the Ik about his work the more I got the impression that he tended to project his own feelings on to his research subjects. There are in fact some indications that what he claims to be typical Ik behaviour is rather an indication of his own mentality. For example, although dealing with a people he suspected to be hunter-gatherers his writings suggest that he was entirely ignorant of the plant and animal life of Ik country. Yet, as I have shown above, he concludes that it is not he himself but rather the Ik who are unfamiliar with their fauna and flora (Turnbull, 1967: 63).

When he observes that for the Ik ‘Misfortune of others was their greatest joy’ one is reminded of passages like the following, his descriptions of his own feelings and behaviour, which seem to point to his own frustrations:

It was one of the few real pleasure’s I had, listening to his shrieking and yelling when they caught him and did whatever they did … and then watching him come flying out of the odok holding his head and streaming with tears… [Turnbull, 1974, 102]

it was a pleasure to move rapidly ahead and leave Atum gasping behind so that we could be sitting at the di when he finally appeared and laugh at his discomfort. [Ibid., 178]

The unpleasantness of returning was somewhat alleviated by Atum’s suffering on the way up the stony trail. Several times he slipped, which made Lojieri and me laugh … [Ibid.]

The frustrations he encountered among the Ik are described in great detail, but he goes on to note: ‘For want of something to do, I used to measure the amount of rain that fell … The exactness of detail was no measure of my academic zeal, simply of my own frustration and boredom’ (Turnbull, 1974: 212). He describes the lack of mutual trust that he finds characteristic of the Ik, but he himself is not prepared to trust anybody, as sentences like the following suggest: ‘I disbelieved every word of this on principle…’ (Turnbull, 1974: 228).

The Ik are portrayed as a people lacking social integration, but if there is anyone who shows no interest in social integration it is Turnbull himself. He isolates himself behind a stockade ‘even bigger and stronger than that of my neighbours’ (Turnbull, 1974: 63), and ‘I used to shut myself up in the Land-Rover again to cook my meals and to eat them there’ (Turnbull, 1974: 79). It is not surprising, therefore, that my Ik informants frequently told me, ‘He made his observations in the bush, not where people were.’ To conclude, my observations have confirmed the claim made by Beidelman (1973: 171) in his review of The Mountain People: This book cannot be discussed in any proper sociological terms, for we are provided with only snatches of data. Rather than being a study of the Ik, this is an autobiographical portrait of the author utilizing the Ik as counters for expressing his personal feelings and experiences in the field.

July 18, 2011

What Ford did to the Ramapough Mountain Indians

Filed under: Ecology,indigenous,racism — louisproyect @ 8:17 pm

(Some idiot just wrote a defense of Ford under my review of “Mann V. Ford” because it was “legal” to dump toxic waste in the 1960s using Mafia haulers. This article that appeared in the Bergen Record is an antidote to such garbage.)

The Record (Bergen County, NJ)
October 2, 2005 Sunday

Ford, the feds, the mob: Making a wasteland

By JAN BARRY, MARY JO LAYTON, ALEX NUSSBAUM, TOM TRONCONE, LINDY WASHBURN, BARBARA WILLIAMS and THOMAS E. FRANKLIN, Wire Services

A slab of bright blue lies beside a mountain stream above the Wanaque Reservoir. It’s a sporty color, maybe the “Diamond Blue” that Ford sprayed on Galaxies in the late 1960s. It hardened like lava where it was dumped more than a generation ago.

When running high, the stream rinses over the slab and down the mountain, through marshes and past beaver dams, toward the reservoir.

It’s everywhere, this paint.

Chunks of it jut from the driveway of a house in Ringwood where a child got lead poisoning. It is so toxic he and his mom have moved out.

Piles of it, weathered and gray and wrinkled like an elephant’s skin, cling to a hillside. Nearby is the home of a boy who died of a rare tumor.

On the other side of the hill a spring-fed stream once ran clear and fresh. For generations, it quenched the thirst of the mountain’s residents, the Ramapoughs. Now the water is bright orange and laced with cancer-causing benzene.

Just upstream from Mahwah, a ridge of waste paint longer than a football field slowly leaches arsenic, lead and other heavy metals into the Ramapo River.

It is in countless other places – in landfills, on farms, along hiking trails in the woodlands that sweep across the northern edge of New Jersey and form the region’s important watersheds.

The paint sludge is from the Ford Motor Co.’s factory in Mahwah, once the largest auto assembly plant in the nation. Before closing in 1980, the behemoth plant spat out 6 million vehicles and an ocean of contaminants – including enough paint sludge to fill two of the three tubes of the Lincoln Tunnel.

Millions of gallons of paint sludge was dumped in the remote section of Ringwood that is home to the Ramapoughs. Their children played in it. The streams washed over it. Early this summer, state officials announced some cancer rates there are unusually high. The Ramapoughs blame the sludge.

For the past eight months, The Record has been investigating Ford’s toxic legacy. A team of journalists went house to house documenting health complaints among the Ramapoughs. They hiked through the mountains and found paint sludge that had been missed by four government-supervised cleanups in Ringwood. They found sludge near homes, in parks and in the watershed. Not far from the site of Ford’s Mahwah plant, they discovered sludge that had been tossed off the side of the road, even dumped near wells for public water supplies.

Tests commissioned by the newspaper found lead, arsenic and xylenes in the sludge – some at 100 times the levels the government considers safe. The tests indicate the contamination is spreading.

The Record found that Ford repeatedly dumped in poor communities and failed to clean up its mess. Documents reveal that Ford executives knew as early as 34 years ago that its waste had contaminated a stream that feeds the Wanaque Reservoir. They show that the company tried to evade responsibility by presenting tainted land as a “gift” to the state.

Organized crime played a key role in a vast assault on the environment. An analysis of public records and interviews with truckers who hauled Ford’s waste shows mob-controlled contractors dumped anywhere they could get away with it. They bribed, threatened, even murdered to maintain control of Ford’s trash.

Millions of gallons of hazardous waste vanished in their hands. Today, officials say they simply don’t have the staff to search for it all.

Government at all levels shares the blame. For years, it allowed mobsters to turn New Jersey into a toxic dumping ground. Initial attempts at statewide environmental regulation in the late 1970s only made the situation worse.

More recently, federal officials let Ford walk away from tons of industrial waste in Ringwood. The Environmental Protection Agency ignored many reports of widespread contamination when it assured residents that Ford had cleaned up their neighborhood. Only now, in the midst of a fifth cleanup in Ringwood, are federal officials paying attention to all the paint, solvents and other Ford debris buried deep in the mountain’s abandoned iron mines.

The contamination presents a threat to the region’s drinking water, The Record’s investigation found. Although officials responsible for the purity of North Jersey’s water are confident it is safe today, they worry the poisons may eventually work their way into the drinking water of 2.5 million people.

Ford says its dumping in Ringwood was legal. Indeed, from the time the plant opened in 1955 until 1970, industrial dumping was essentially unregulated. A law banning contamination of streams was not enforced.

Ford says others dumped in Ringwood and share responsibility for the pollution. The company also insists it is doing everything required by the EPA to clean up, in Ringwood and elsewhere. Ford declined requests for an interview and would answer questions from The Record only via e-mail.

The Ramapoughs and others scratching out a living in this remote section of Ringwood don’t believe Ford and don’t trust the government. They’ve watched this story unfold over 40 years.

They remember the 18-wheelers leaving brilliant puddles and splashes all the way up Peters Mine Road. They saw workers push the paint sludge, drums and other waste into the old iron mines that riddle the landscape. So many trucks arrived in the dark that residents started calling it the “midnight landfill.”

Later, they watched as men in white suits and masks dug contaminants from hills where children played. They got so frustrated about the contamination that remained after the cleanup crews had left that they took to carrying chunks of sludge to meetings with government officials. Now they’ve hired attorneys.

This summer, New Jersey’s environmental chief asked federal prosecutors to launch a criminal investigation of Ford’s cleanup in Ringwood.

“They can’t tell me that the stuff we’re walking in every day and the air we’re breathing up here isn’t killing people,” said Kelly DeGroat, a longtime resident.

Her son, Collin, died of a rare bone cancer in 2001.

He was 10.

Rolling out cars at top speed

The story of the paint begins 50 years ago this summer, when manufacturing was the lifeblood of North Jersey and Ford was the biggest operation around.

Shortly before noon on July 15, 1955, factory whistles sounded a salute as a caravan of trucks left Ford’s aged assembly plant in Edgewater. The trucks – laden with tools, equipment and assembly plant stock – snaked 26 miles north to Mahwah.

There, a new plant stood on a meadow just beneath the first vaulting slopes of the Ramapo Mountains and beside the Ramapo River.

Hours later, the production line sprang to life at Ford’s new factory. Billed as the largest auto assembly plant in the world, the $70 million factory would eventually roll out a new vehicle every minute, more than triple the rate of Edgewater. It was the cornerstone of an aggressive postwar expansion. Veterans had married, the baby boom had begun and Americans had a voracious appetite for the latest in Detroit horsepower.

“We feel the plant is more than an intent to knock the socks off competition,” Henry Ford II said at the plant’s dedication that September. “We feel this plant is a substantial lasting contribution to the living standards of all Americans.”

Along the factory’s 10 miles of assembly lines, there was one dictum: Keep the line moving.

“You ain’t gonna put a car out just relaxing,” said Frank Dollbaum, a 28-year Ford employee and longtime Mahwah worker.

Rolling out all those LTDs, Galaxies and Fairmonts required careful choreography. Raw materials had to arrive on time. Cardboard, leaky batteries and waste paint had to be cleared away quickly.

Russell Kerestes’ disposal crews struggled to keep up with the waste.

“You have no idea unless you were there what a high-power, stressed-out place that was,” he said. “They had a bottom line and ‘move it out’ was the name of the game.”

In the paint department, men wielding spray guns applied an undercoat, primer and topcoat. They pointed and sprayed, and a lot of paint missed its mark. For each Willow Green truck or Rangoon Red convertible, 5 gallons of paint sludge was produced – 6,000 gallons a day.

The cars went to the parking lot out front. The paint sludge – a combination of paint and the chemicals and water used to aid in its disposal – was dumped out back, where the Leni-Lenape Indians once held powwows.

“Not only sludge, but lacquer, thinners,” said Jakob Unger, who worked in various departments at the plant, including industrial-waste treatment. “Nobody cared. Who knew about the environment?”

As the relentless production continued and dumpsites on its own property filled up, Ford gave more paint sludge to its trash contractors. Paint and solvents ended up in landfills, alongside roads – even buried on farms in upstate New York.

“The haulers would tell the farmers, ‘Listen, man. I’ve got a contract for six months. You have a little valley in your property near the side of the road. I’ll fill it in.’ And they just dumped the stuff off,” said Stanley Greenberg, a retired lieutenant in the Rockland County Sheriff’s Department.

Greenberg, who spent parts of three decades investigating illegal dumping in New York State, said farmers, landfill workers and some Ford employees were paid to remain silent.

“People were getting paid all over the place,” he said. “Ford was known for doing business. They had stuff to get rid of and no place to put it.”

No Ford employee was ever charged in the dumping.

“Everything that Ford Motor Co. did was in accordance with the law,” said Charles Kiorpes, the plant manager in the late 1960s. “Everything was hauled away in accordance with local regulations.”

Still, all the waste worried Richard Mosolgo, the plant’s engineering manager in the mid-1970s. He says he wanted to import a Swiss system that would incinerate the sludge on-site. The incinerator generated steam, which Mosolgo wanted to use for power.

“I remember,” Mosolgo said, “it used to cost more to get rid of the paint sludge than it cost to buy paint.”

He said Ford executives never bought into the idea.

Silenced by fear

Early on, Ford showed its willingness to dump its trash on the poor.

Carol Dennison was just a girl in the late 1950s, when trucks began dropping loads of sludge and industrial junk near a small cluster of ramshackle rental homes in the woods just north of the plant.

She remembers the stench got so bad the residents had to go down to the river to escape it.

“You could smell that paint,” she said. “It was always there.”

Her small community just across the New York border was known as the Meadows. It had been a place where children spent summers building homemade wagons and playing ball while adults gathered on porches to catch up with neighbors.

Then the trucks rolled in.

Ford didn’t own the property and didn’t have permission to dump there, according to Arcadis, a company Ford hired to manage cleanups. But that didn’t stop them from dumping only yards away from the tiny homes. Up to 2 million gallons of sludge was spread over nearly 3 acres. Drums, trash and more than 20 tons of tires littered the neighborhood.

Few if any residents complained. Most were Ramapoughs. The Ramapoughs claim to be descendants of American Indians, Dutch settlers and freed slaves. Most are poor, clan-oriented and wary of outsiders. Those in the Meadows kept quiet for fear of being evicted.

“We all saw the drivers dumping – sludge, barrels, all kinds of stuff, but no one said anything,” said former resident Victoria DeFreese Powell. “It just became a part of our lives.”

The neighborhood was abandoned by the early 1970s, the residents pushed out by flooding after the river was diverted for a highway project. Only the foundations of the houses remain.

But a huge ridge of sludge, 6 feet deep in some places, is still there. All-terrain vehicles have torn rutted paths through the solidified glop. Bulging drums litter Dennison’s old playground. Trees grow through tires dumped decades ago.

Near the ridge of sludge, there is evidence the pollutants are spreading. The Record tested a pool of standing water about 20 feet from a storm culvert and found lead at 14 times government safety standards for groundwater. Levels of chromium and arsenic were also elevated. The culvert drains directly into the Ramapo River, a source of drinking water for southern Passaic County and elsewhere. The area flooded early this year, high enough to cover the paint sludge.

Mobsters vie for Ford’s waste

To mobsters, Ford’s waste was pure gold.

They were the enforcers of a cartel that called the shots in the trash industry. They set the rates and made sure there was no competition, according to a report by the State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation.

Not all haulers were mobsters, but those who were had free rein. Even a big company like Ford had little choice but to deal with mob-controlled haulers. In the early years of the Mahwah plant, environmental regulation was minimal, so government officials weren’t asking questions about where waste was dumped.

Ford – with its tons and tons of packing material, paint sludge and other waste – was the biggest prize in the state.

A prize worth killing for, it seems.

Joseph “Joey Surprise” Feola was said to have learned that lesson the hard way.

In conversations taped by authorities, mob figures said the Genovese family gangster was lured to a garage in 1965 and strangled as a favor to the notorious godfather Carlo Gambino.

His offense? Stealing the Mahwah stop from a Gambino-controlled company.

Feola’s disappearance made the newspapers. They reported that the case had prompted a federal investigation into mob control of waste hauling.

Soon after, Ford changed the way it handled its trash. Mahwah’s waste would be going to property that the company owned in Ringwood. To get it there, Ford turned to Charles M. O’Connor, a small-time hauler who had been removing cardboard from Ford’s assembly plant in Metuchen.

The decision was bad news for the Ramapoughs in Ringwood, who had lived for generations on the land that Ford would turn into its dumping ground. But it had a broader impact. It brought thousands of tons of industrial waste to a watershed that serves more than a quarter of the state’s population.

Grocery money from trash

The big rigs barreled past the Wanaque Reservoir as they hauled fresh paint sludge and Ford’s castoffs up the dirt roads in Ringwood.

Gobs of it splattered over the humps in Peters Mine Road. Residents remember how the dust clouds swirled as the rigs rumbled by their homes. The trucks rolled past chicken coops, kids collecting mealworms to sell as bait and hunters working over their kill in skinning sheds.

Folks didn’t seem to mind all that industrial waste being carted to their mountain. In fact, the poor families queued up inside the dump, waiting for the trucks. The residents were eager to scavenge for copper and car parts to sell as scrap. Their children helped sort through the muck.

“That was grocery money for some families,” said Bob DeGroat, like most Ramapoughs a lifelong resident of the mountain.

Good money for people scraping by in the old miner’s shacks built back when the mountain was still giving up iron ore. In many homes, three generations of Van Dunks, DeGroats or Manns – three of a dozen last names that prevail among Ramapoughs – lived together without running water and only wood stoves for heat. Most families survived on vegetables grown in their gardens and game they hunted on the mountain.

Every morning, Charles DeFreese grabbed an old fruit basket and headed down to the mines early enough to beat his neighbors. He climbed down into the paint sludge near St. George Mine and looked for anything that would bring a few bucks. By the time his wife brought his lunch, he was covered in black.

The jackpot was a “snake,” a long copper wire. It was worth $30.

“What else were you going to do – work for the town for 75 cents an hour?” asked DeFreese’s wife, Linda.

Jack Walker, who lived closest to the dump, waved the truckers through the gates at the top of Peters Mine Road, night and day.

“They was in and out of here like bees,” he said.

He said the truck drivers paid him $30 or so every week to make sure only Ford’s waste – and nobody else’s – was dumped on the mountain. But the real money was in the scavenging.

Walker slogged in his work boots through the muck. Carburetors, wiring and tires stuck out of the fresh piles of sludge, like trash bobbing in an angry sea. The vapors from the solvents and paint thinners nearly overwhelmed him. He had to work fast before the bulldozers moved in. Whatever he missed, the giant claw shoveled into the gaping pit of the mine – the sludge, the barrels, the cardboard, every last scrap of it.

The gear-grinding and racket up and down Peters Mine Road got unbearable some nights. The drivers dumped everywhere. The sludge oozed like wet cement. It was pushed deep into old mines. It went into swamps and covered mountain hollows. The paint ended up right next to the neighborhood swimming hole.

Back then, the residents didn’t know the sludge was loaded with lead and chromium, a carcinogen that also causes nosebleeds. Walker never envisioned a Superfund site 150 yards from his front porch.

“We didn’t think at that time that maybe this stuff ain’t too good,” Walker said.

Choked with debris, the mines sometimes caught fire, burning out of control for weeks and spewing a terrible smoke through the yards. By then, the sludge had become just part of life on the mountain.

Susan Mann, then a schoolgirl, remembers racing from her house when she heard the clanging tailgates of the trucks. The piles of pink- and purple-streaked sludge were pretty. All that Candyapple Red paint Ford used in 1968. It squished under her sneakers and smelled like her mama’s nail polish.

As a boy, Mickey Van Dunk chased raccoons at night. He and his cousins would sprint through the woods with flashlights, past weirdly colorful slabs of sludge. He fished for walleye and caught turtles for soup in streams tinted with paint. He molded the sludge into baseballs. Other kids made sludge mud pies. They’d turn over old wrecked car hoods, pile on and slide down a massive mountain of gray paint. They called it Sludge Hill.

Children went home with terrible nosebleeds after playing in the muck.

Years later, many of them would suffer much worse.

A mountain ravaged

Even before O’Connor’s trucks arrived, the area bore the scars of a long history of exploitation. For nearly 200 years, miners – many of them Ramapoughs – labored beneath the earth there, harvesting one of the richest lodes of iron ore ever discovered. Peters Mine alone had 17 levels that reached nearly 2,000 feet underground. By the time the mines closed for good in the 1950s, the hills were a honeycomb of shafts, tunnels and caverns.

The Ringwood Mines area, as it was known to the outside world, was no paradise. The borough had used it as a municipal dump. Old cars and tires were routinely abandoned there. In one notorious episode, town officials allowed a contractor to spread waste oil on the roads to keep dust down. The oil was later determined to be contaminated with PCBs, now-banned industrial chemicals linked to neurological and skin defects in humans and to cancer in animals.

As early as 1965 – two years before the first truckload of sludge made its way to Ringwood – officials were warning Ford that dumping or building on the mountain could have serious consequences for the watershed.

A Ford subsidiary, Ringwood Realty, had come to town with a grandiose proposal to build a $50 million mini-city – complete with housing, schools, a shopping center and an industrial park – on a 900-acre tract it had acquired for $500,000.

The plan was opposed by the protectors of the Wanaque Reservoir. The city was never built.

In 1967, Ford’s subsidiary again ran afoul of local officials. Ringwood health officials chided the company for allowing two garbage haulers to dump in Cannon and Peters mines. The haulers, according to Ford, were dumping tree stumps and grass clippings from Connecticut – not waste from the factory. But health officials said they had not been notified of the dumping as required by law. They ordered the dumping stopped.

Seven days later, Ford signed O’Connor to haul the factory’s sludge the 10 miles from Mahwah to Ringwood. The state and local health departments and the New Jersey Bureau of Mines complained that the mines were a bad place for industrial waste, but they didn’t stop the dumping this time.

No state permits were needed until 1970 – at which point O’Connor got a landfill permit and continued hauling sludge up the mountain.

The land may have been used before as a dump, but O’Connor was bringing in industrial waste, and in quantities that boggle the mind. In 1969 alone – O’Connor hauled to Ringwood for four years – the Mahwah factory generated 84,000 cubic yards of waste, including 1.3 million gallons of paint sludge. That’s enough waste to fill 25 Olympic swimming pools.

“The disposal of Mahwah plant waste at the Ringwood site was approved by the appropriate authorities; it was not illegal,” said a Ford spokesman, Tony Bianchini of Holt, Mulroy & Germann.

Much of the sludge remains where it was dumped. The federal government listed the tract as a Superfund cleanup site nearly 20 years ago, but declared the mountain clean after Ford removed sludge from just a portion of its old dumping ground. Since then, Ford’s contractors have been called back four times to finish the job. In May, a federal official said only half the sludge has been removed.

Alarming ingredients

How dangerous is paint sludge?

In June, a consultant hired by The Record tested a chunk of sludge dug from Angie Van Dunk’s driveway at Peters Mine Road and Margaret King Avenue. It contained lead at 100 times the state safety standard for soil. Antimony, a silvery-white metal that can cause heart and lung problems, was also 100 times the level considered safe. Arsenic was nearly nine times the safety standard. Chromium was double the safety level.

Volatile organic compounds like xylenes and ethylbenzene were also present in hazardous concentrations, according to the analysis of the testing company, Aqua Pro-Tech Laboratories of Fairfield.

Long-term exposure to any of these chemicals is dangerous: Arsenic can cause lung cancer and skin disorders. Chromium increases the risk of lung cancer. Xylenes can wreak havoc on liver and kidneys and damage fetuses. Exposure to even low levels of lead can cause permanent damage, especially to a child’s developing brain.

Some of those elements served as thinners or resins; others gave the paint its color.

How much sludge did the plant produce in its 25 years? Thirty million gallons, according to an estimate based on Ford’s documents.

Some cleanup work in Ringwood has been temporarily halted. The sludge is just too contaminated to be accepted by the toxic landfill in Michigan where it was being carted, EPA officials say.

Sickness up and down the lane

On a humid night in June, government scientists came to Ringwood to confirm what the Ramapoughs have believed for a generation: Some cancer rates are elevated in the neighborhood.

For residents, this was a moment of mixed emotions. For years, nobody had believed them. Not when thyroid cancer struck Bob DeGroat’s boy or when Fayelynn Van Dunk’s little girl nearly bled to death from a rare platelet disorder. And not when young Collin Milligan died of a tumor.

In fact, in the years since residents stormed an EPA hearing in 1988 to complain about all the sickness on the mountain, federal officials had issued two reports saying the contamination posed no health risks. They did so without ever talking to residents or their doctors.

Now, the Ph.D. stood in front with his PowerPoint presentation at the Episcopal Church of the Good Shepherd, a hub in the Ramapough community, where they’ve mourned their dead and plotted lawsuits against Ford. He stated that six male residents had developed lung cancer over the years – three times what epidemiologists expected to find.

The lung cancer cases are “statistically significant,” said Jerald Fagliano, program manager for the state Department of Health’s hazardous site health evaluation program.

Charles DeFreese – the man who got up early all those years to pick through Ford’s castoffs – was most likely one of those statistics. He died four years ago at age 55.

Other cancers were also elevated: bladder cancer in men and non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma in both sexes. But scientists can’t be sure whether the statistics show a real cancer cluster, with an environmental cause, or just a terrible coincidence. There just aren’t enough numbers – or large enough numbers – to know. Was the cancer caused by the arsenic and chromium in the soil or by all the cigarette smoking? What about all the unexplained skin rashes, the asthma and rare blood disorders?

The answers may never come, experts say.

“It’s incredibly difficult to untangle,” said Daniel Wartenberg, director of environmental epidemiology at Robert Wood Johnson Medical School in Piscataway.

The Ramapoughs have retained attorneys – with the Alabama branch of the Johnnie Cochran law firm and the firm of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. – but they have not filed any lawsuits.

“No one ever told us that stuff was dangerous, and they never asked anyone up here if we want all the things that have been put in our neighborhood – recycling center, power lines, and all that stuff they dumped,” said Linda DeFreese, Charles’ widow. “They just did whatever they wanted to us, and now we’re all sick from it.”

The Ramapoughs are convinced the government doesn’t really want to know the truth. Even the latest report on cancers was based on disease and death records. Health officials still refuse to go door to door to document the tales of suffering.

“That’s not how we operate,” said Arthur Block, senior regional representative of the federal Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry. “We don’t do individual health assessments.”

If only they would come, says Myrtle Van Dunk, they would see there is sickness in house after house, sickness far out of proportion to a community of 400 or so.

“How can they tell us how sick we are when they haven’t even sat down to talk to us?” she asked. “Their numbers are wrong. We have a lot more sick people than they say we do.”

Indeed, on tiny Van Dunk Lane, folks tell story after story of misery.

A while back, the EPA hauled away a huge swath of the lava-like sludge – the size of two minivans – from Bob DeGroat’s back yard. Small patches still pock the front yard. He wonders if this is what gave his son Robert thyroid cancer when he was 10. He wonders if it caused his granddaughter’s nosebleed this winter, so severe she had to be rushed to the hospital in an ambulance.

Down the road is the house where Collin Milligan used to live. The boy had Ewing’s sarcoma, a rare bone cancer. His mother, Kelly DeGroat, said the chemotherapy and radiation couldn’t stop the tumors. They attacked first his spine, then his pelvis.

He died at home on Oct. 26, 2001, blind and paralyzed.

Three weeks after they lost Collin, his older cousin next door died. Pauline Wright was a young mother and pretty preschool aide aching to be a real teacher.

That was cancer, too. Now Pauline’s parents are raising her two kids.

The suffering on Van Dunk Lane doesn’t stop. Five-year-old Donovan Van Dunk was born with a kidney defect as well as a rare autoimmune disease, Henoch-Schönlein purpura, said his mother, Fayelynn Van Dunk. Recently, she said, his backside and legs were covered in a rash, his testicles swollen and his leg joints aching. Experts aren’t sure what causes the disease, but they say exposure to chemicals may be one of the triggers.

Donovan’s sister Brianne, a beautiful girl with dark eyes and a mane of curls, was diagnosed with a similarly rare blood disorder when she was 3, Fayelynn said.

“She started throwing up blood,” Fayelynn said. “She was almost bleeding to death and we didn’t know it.”

A nurse told The Record that the girl has outgrown the illness, immune thrombocytopenic purpura. But Fayelynn fears it could return.

And that’s not the end of the family’s troubles. All four children have asthma. One afternoon, 13-year-old Oceania puffed on her inhaler. Asthma caught Fayelynn’s breath, too, as she trudged up the sharp incline to her faded blue house. As her breathing returned to normal, she pulled a lighter out of her tight top and smoked.

“I shouldn’t,” she acknowledged. “But I get bitchy if I don’t.”

Betrayed by the land they love

Kelly DeGroat knows what outsiders say: “Those mine people.”

Poor folks who don’t take care of themselves.

Making up stories so they can sue Ford and get rich.

Poor folks, they say, whose genes have been weakened by marrying for generations within their own little community of Van Dunks and Manns and DeGroats, related every which way.

Whatever the cause of the Ramapoughs’ health problems, the fact is their environment is contaminated. Because their very existence depends on the vegetables they grow, the fish they catch and the animals they hunt, the contamination is inescapable.

“I’m not just worried about my children, but my children’s children,” Kelly DeGroat said. “What will this place be like for them? Will our children even be around to have their own children?”

The Record tested a stream in the neighborhood and found it tainted with benzene, a chemical known to cause leukemia and other blood disorders. Residents say paint sludge was dumped near the stream’s source. The stream flows DayGlo orange – colored by iron – beside a spot where children used to wait for their school bus. The iron could come from the indigenous ore in the area or from ferric chloride, a chemical found in paint sludge.

Francine Van Dunk remembers when the stream ran clear and she collected it in jugs for drinking water.

In 2001, her husband, Arthur, got the terrible news. He had a tumor so rare it bewildered even the experts. “It’s in God’s hands,” they told Francine.

Arthur, a deliveryman who’d spent much of his life hiking and hunting on the mountain, had pancreatic cancer. Dr. Audrey Hamilton, his oncologist at the Denville offices of Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, called the tumor “a very rare bird. We were perplexed.”

He died two years ago at age 54.

A toxicologist who once worked for the EPA has surveyed the area for the Ramapoughs. He says there’s an added health threat from what scientists call “toxic synergism” – the hazard that can occur when chemicals interact.

“People are living cheek to jowl in this stuff,” said Bruce Moholt, the toxicologist.

Angie Van Dunk is convinced the sludge in her driveway – sludge tested by The Record – gave her 4-year-old son lead poisoning. The Record’s test found even the dirt alongside the sludge exceeded safety standards for lead and arsenic.

“He keeps putting his hands in his mouth while he plays in the dirt,” Angie said, as her son chased his cousins across the yard, fingers to lips.

Scientists recently concluded that there is no safe threshold for lead exposure in children.

Doctors told Angie to keep her little boy away from the dirt when tests on file at Chilton Memorial Hospital in Pompton Plains found the lead in his blood was at 16 micrograms per deciliter – well over the 10 per deciliter the CDC considers unsafe. Angie and her kids moved out of her house in August and now shuttle between a cousin in West Milford and a sister in Paterson.

Angie doesn’t know if they’ll ever be able to return home. Sludge removal around houses has been delayed, EPA officials said, because the residents’ lawyers won’t allow them onto the properties. So the sludge just sits there in Angie’s driveway.

“This place is just dangerous,” Kelly DeGroat said.

Her son’s birthday is coming up. Time once again for Kelly and her surviving boys to hold hands in a circle around the pear tree in the yard that has become Collin’s memorial. They’ll say a prayer and release balloons with messages to Collin from his brothers.

Nearly four years after Collin’s death, there’s still sickness in the tidy ranch house adorned with pictures of Native Americans. Kelly’s 18-year-old, Devin, and 10-year-old, Deion, have asthma. At 35, Kelly underwent a hysterectomy because of painful fibroids.

Now, Devin has joint pain and swelling that keep him from playing sports. The doctors say it’s nothing.

That’s what they used to say about Collin.

Early warnings ignored

Even those who dumped the paint were anxious about its impact.

O’Connor didn’t like hauling sludge from the plant, but did so under pressure from Ford, according to Russell Kerestes, who ran the Ford operation for O’Connor.

“There was a great deal of concern on O’Connor’s part about the sludge. But it was our feeling that when it dried it became inert,” he said. “The paint sludge was a very small part of the whole operation. Wood and cardboard overwhelmed everything else.”

There were few environmental regulations at the time, Kerestes said. “The environment didn’t have the priority it has now,” he said. “The only real test for a landfill back then was if it was flammable or not.”

Shareholders in O’Connor’s Ford venture included Kerestes, a former banker who would go on to lead a trash-industry lobbying group, and attorney Joseph Letcher, a Bergen County undersheriff and later a municipal judge in Ho-Ho-Kus. The business was financed by a bank run by Garfield Mayor Gotthold Rose, a prominent Republican who once led the Bergen County detective squad.

Even so, O’Connor Trucking and Haulage was soon in deep financial trouble.

The company fell behind in removing Ford’s waste. Equipment kept breaking. Vandals set so many fires in Ringwood they had to hire a local man to guard the site with a pistol, Kerestes said.

“It was a 24-hour-a-day operation and all kinds of things happen in that type of operation,” Kerestes said.

Worse, organized crime wanted the Ford contract. Letcher said O’Connor talked to him about the mob in the late 1960s.

“He said they were putting pressure on him to turn over his business to them,” said Letcher, who maintains that he merely incorporated O’Connor’s Ford venture and had no role in the business beyond that.

O’Connor died in 1983. Attempts to reach a son in Pennsylvania were unsuccessful.

The company also ran afoul of Dean Noll, the vigilant and persistent protector of the Highlands watershed. Now deceased, Noll was chief engineer of the Wanaque Reservoir. He urged state agencies to close dumps and opposed development that might taint the reservoir.

Noll was farsighted. In a letter written to state environmental officials in the late 1960s, he warned that a generation could pass before the full impact of pollution became obvious.

In 1967, the year Ford began trucking plant waste to Ringwood, Noll fired off a protest. He kept up a steady drumbeat of objection. By 1971, he was taking dead aim at Ford’s dumping:

“Drainage through the existing landfill operation is polluting [a stream through the site] which is only 8,000 feet along the run of the stream from the Wanaque Reservoir,” Noll wrote to state environmental officials.

Ford’s own documents from the time show company officials felt Noll was right.

In an interoffice memo the automaker gave to the EPA recently, one Ford executive said: “The area used as a dumpsite for many years is leaching into a public water supply and represents a contingent liability.”

In another document, a second Ford executive blamed O’Connor for getting the company in trouble in Ringwood: “This stream became definitely polluted as a result of paint and other refuse finding its way into the water course.”

Ford officials decided O’Connor had to go.

In April of 1971, the company fired O’Connor and hired Industrial Services of America, a Kentucky-based firm that held disposal contracts at Ford plants in Louisville. ISA would go on to become a national player in the waste business. In making the move, Ford expected that ISA would be able to dump in Ringwood. But the permit for dumping there was already in jeopardy – and would ultimately be revoked.

“I go to a big meeting with these Ford people and they say we have this land, these mines, but they also have these people that live on it,” recalled ISA founder Harry Kletter in an interview this summer.

Kletter said he told Ford executives that, as an out-of-state company, he needed to bring in a local hauler to help with the job. Kletter, now semiretired as ISA’s “chief visionary officer,” said one of his company’s local salesman recommended a carting family based in New York’s Orange County.

“I didn’t know too much of their background, he said, “but having been around for a while, I knew there were some shadows.”

Truckers dodge police

During the eight years he hauled Ford’s sludge, Charlie Oetzel played a cat-and-mouse game with the police. He and other truck drivers would leave the Ford plant with a 20-cubic-yard truckload of waste and get directions on the road via radio.

The sludge went wherever the cops weren’t watching, he said.

Oetzel remembers unloading sludge by a stream that fed the Ramapo River. The water ran green, blue, red and yellow, he said. The battery acid burned through work gloves.

“It stunk like the devil, it did,” said Oetzel, now 76 and retired in Monroe, N.Y. “Especially in the warm weather. … You got a lot of fumes coming off the load. You’d look in the mirror and you could see the fumes coming off of it.”

In the 1970s, Oetzel drove for the Mongellis. The Mongellis were the family that Kletter’s ISA brought in. The family had had a tenuous connection with Ford before ISA arrived. Ringwood Realty had allowed their trucks to dump in Ringwood in 1967.

The family’s mob connections would come to light later. The 1989 report of New Jersey’s SCI said that Louis J. Mongelli was an associate of Vincent “Chin” Gigante, the muttering, bathrobe-wearing boss of the Genovese crime family. The Chin’s brother was on the Mongelli payroll, the report said.

In 1992, Louis and brother Robert pleaded guilty to federal racketeering, bribery and money laundering charges related to their hauling business. Two years later, Louis vanished into the federal witness-protection program. The Record couldn’t locate Robert or Louis Mongelli, but in an interview this summer their younger brother Joseph denied that the family had any connections to organized crime.

Kletter maintains that Ford’s Mahwah waste was handled properly while he was on the job.

“I was up there a lot. I had [contracts at several] plants and I was responsible to Ford,” he said. “So I had people going up there all the time to make sure it was handled correctly.”

Within two years, Kletter said, his company was out of the picture and the Mongellis were in control of Ford’s toxic waste.

In the Mahwah plant’s final years, haulers dumped Ford’s waste anywhere they could – in landfills, on farms, near streams that fed the Ramapo River and above waters that fed the Wanaque Reservoir. Organized crime ruled the trash business, and the automaker employed contractors that dumped according to the mob’s rules.

Oetzel remembers routinely being ordered by the Mongellis to break the law. He covered his truck’s logos with magnetic signs to conceal their identity from police.

Oetzel said he dumped Ford’s paint sludge in more than a dozen landfills and other sites in New Jersey and upstate New York between 1972 and 1980.

He remembers dumping near the Wanaque Reservoir and in Wanaque’s municipal landfill, now the upcounty campus of Passaic County Community College. In the woods behind the school, The Record this summer found about a dozen 55-gallon industrial drums, the kind sometimes used by Ford. No paint sludge was visible on the land.

Oetzel often headed south to Kearny or other landfills in the Meadowlands. A trail of spilled sludge would slop behind him on the New Jersey Turnpike.

Even farmers waved the trucks in. Another retired Mongelli driver, who asked to remain unidentified for fear of retribution, said he dumped in woods and swamps next to upstate New York farms. The farmers were paid about $1,000 a truckload by the Mongellis, the second driver said.

Oetzel said he usually dumped at landfills authorized to accept only household trash – in early morning or late afternoon, when no one was around to see. Dump workers bulldozed a hole in the garbage for Ford’s waste. Oetzel would back up his vehicle, tip back the truck bed and let sludge slide out like melted cheese. The hole was quickly covered, the evidence buried.

Oetzel hauled to the Warwick landfill, a private dump in the woods above Greenwood Lake. The lake drains into the Wanaque Reservoir system.

Bill Decker, the landfill’s caretaker, described the illegal dumping in a tape-recorded interview later used as evidence by a New York State Assembly committee investigating toxic waste haulers. He told of a steady stream of “paint, lacquer, brake fluid – all that [expletive] from the Ford plant; that’s what’s running down in there; that’s what’s going in the water table.”

New York shut the landfill in 1980. Weeks later, Decker was found dead on local railroad tracks. The cause was listed as heart failure, though neighbors told New York State’s Assembly Environment Committee that the middle-aged Decker had no heart problems.

At the Wallkill landfill in Orange County, Donald “Dutch” Smith ran a bulldozer from 1971 until the dump closed in 1974. Once a week, he remembers, trucks pulled in with metal and cardboard barrels stamped “Ford Motor Co.” and “Mahwah Plant.”

“They dumped stuff way up in the back, in different places, in special holes and stuff like that, so you know they was dumping stuff that wasn’t supposed to be dumped,” said Smith, 75, who still lives in a ramshackle trailer next to the landfill. “I was digging down right to the water table to dump stuff, and you wasn’t supposed to do that either.”

The government tried to bring some order to this toxic Wild West in 1976. Congress imposed new rules on the disposal of hazardous waste. Every shipment of industrial waste would have to include a manifest, paperwork meant to track the material “from cradle to grave.” Two years later, New Jersey imposed its own manifest system.

The Mongellis and others ran their trucks right through those laws.

Mobsters set up shell companies. Truckers falsified manifests. New Jersey, praised for some of the country’s toughest laws, had only four inspectors to track thousands of truck movements each month.

The environmental laws had an unintended consequence: Unscrupulous haulers got rich. They used the stringent new requirements to justify higher fees – then went ahead and dumped hazardous waste wherever they could get away with it.

A 55-gallon drum of chemicals that had been hauled for $20 now cost up to $100, said Harold Kaufman, a star government informer who worked for mafia haulers while undercover for the FBI.

Moving the Mahwah sludge could mean as much as $500,000 a year in profit. And that didn’t include the old batteries, cardboard, waste oil and other trash the Ford plant pumped out every day.

“The biggest contract in New Jersey,” Kaufman called it.

As the dumping continued, the Mongellis prospered. Joseph Mongelli said the family also hauled for four Ford facilities in Michigan.

He said the company properly disposed of all of Ford’s sludge at the old Bergen County landfill in Lyndhurst, now part of the massive EnCap development.

Ford’s sludge will probably never be completely accounted for. Millions of gallons essentially disappeared. Mob-connected haulers didn’t keep records – at least, not honest ones.

What Ford officials knew about the dumping is less clear.

The police officers and prosecutors who pursued illicit dumpers during the last years of the Mahwah plant say mob haulers had to have inside help to keep their exorbitant contracts.

“Somebody at Ford had to be greased,” said Dirk Ottens, a retired state police detective who led several toxic-dumping investigations in New Jersey in the 1970s.

Ottens and former partner Jack Penny said many industries fell under the sway of shady carters at the time.

“The mentality then was: I give it to a licensed hauler, he’ll take care of it,” said A. Patrick Nucciarone, who tried environmental cases at the time for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Newark. “Is that criminal? Probably not. Is it negligent? Probably so.”

No one inside the Mahwah plant was ever charged. Ford, for its part, declined to answer questions about past waste haulers and practices, telling The Record it had “limited historical records.”

But it’s clear that even after the last car – a two-tone Fairmont Futura – rolled off the line in Mahwah, Ford couldn’t escape the mob. Four years after the plant closed in 1980, it hired the Mongellis to help clean up the waste still on its property.

A man’s dreams upended

Trucks have been hauling sludge in Ringwood again. Only this time, they’ve been taking it off the mountain.

Surveyors came out this summer to search the woods for sludge now hidden under lush tangles of weeds. They marked tree branches and rocks with pink fluorescent spray paint, though they never told residents what the marks meant.

A tractor-trailer rumbled past Mickey Van Dunk’s house as he gardened one May afternoon. He tended the tidy rows of onions peeking out of the earth. There’s not much else he can do. The OxyContin quits working in half the time it’s supposed to.

Hardened boils look burned into his 34-year-old face. He’s found it’s just easier to tell people it’s from a car accident.

A massive scar runs across his back where doctors removed a kickball’s worth of pus and tissue. He lost huge swaths of skin when they cut out infected sweat glands. In all he’s had surgery 17 times since his skin first erupted in boils when he was a teen.

He has a rare condition called hidradenitis suppurativa. “He’s one of the most severe cases I’ve ever seen. He has it on his face even, which is unusual,” said his surgeon, Dr. Parmad Ganchi, a Harvard-trained expert at UMDNJ in Newark.

The disease seems to be genetic in some respects; but many who have studied it believe exposure to pollutants can make it worse.

In his dreams, Mickey Van Dunk is outdoors, wading in water or ice fishing. All the things he used to do on the mountain before he was sick. He dreamed of having a brood of boys and driving backhoes and dump trucks at construction sites. They’d live in the house where he grew up, where Mickey and his brothers wore a path from the yard up the hill into Ringwood State Park. That’s were he worked 12 years ago as a laborer, his last job.

The smell of his skin and the pus drives him crazy some days. He’s thought of suicide. “I’m so tired of going under the blade,” he said.

He learned to undress in the dark to spare his wife, Linda. They tried to have children, but Mickey is sterile now, he says.

“They told me there’s something in my body that keeps building this pus,” he said. “I really believe it comes from all this crap.”

Janet, his mom, is convinced her boy was sickened by the contamination that is all around them, in the woods they hunt in, the fish they eat, maybe even in the 20 pounds of deer meat in the freezer.

“Nobody’s going to change my mind,” she said.

She’s certain of something else. Mickey won’t have any more surgery.

“Why keep cuttin’ on him?” she said as she smoked a cigarette on the front porch. “There’s nothing left to cut.”

Staff Writer Clint Riley contributed to this article. E-mail: toxiclegacy@northjersey.com.

(SIDEBAR, page A18)

How paint becomes pollution

Ford had come a long way from the days when its headstrong founder was quoted – perhaps apocryphally – in a classic misreading of the car-buying market. By 1955, when the Mahwah assembly plant opened for business, Ford buyers could choose from an artist’s palette of color when ordering their vehicles – Monte Carlo Red, Academy Blue, Meadow Green. But that high-gloss finish came with a cost to the environment. The painting of cars produced vast quantities of waste, from volatile organic compounds in thinners to heavy metals in the pigments. Up to 5 gallons of paint sludge was produced in the manufacture of each vehicle. Today, sludge amounts are reduced by recycling and other process improvements. What follows is a simplified description of how paint was handled at the Mahwah plant.

Henry Ford

Painting

Partially assembled vehicle bodies rode the assembly line to the paint shop. There the sheet metal was chemically cleaned, then primed, then topcoated. Paint was applied in booths, using hand-held spray guns.

Making sludge

The overspray was blown out of the booth through a screen of water – essentially a small waterfall that stripped the paint from the air. The paint-laden water flowed into a large clarifying tank, where chemical compounds such as ferric chloride and lime were added to extract heavy metals and other paint solids from the solution. The water was discarded. Often the resulting sludge was disposed of as slurry; it had the consistency of molten lava and an intense paint smell. Other times, it was allowed to harden before disposal.

Dumping it

The sludge was loaded onto 20-yard container trucks and transported to landfills, where bulldozers plowed it into position. For the most part, it sat there and hardened over time, with little further evaporation of solvents or water. As a result, the volume of the sludge stayed the same, with the solvents still trapped within. Even decades later, a strong smell of paint solvents is released when chunks of paint sludge are broken apart.

Sources: Ford documents filed with Mahwah officials; Richard W. Chapin, P.E., Chapin Engineering; former Ford and hauler employees.

(SIDEBAR, page S22)

Ford’s plant in Mahwah

It was an icon of a different time in America – when a generation emerged from World War II with an insatiable hunger for the good life and the American cars that were its hallmark. Detroit stoked that appetite, churning out model after model with ever more horsepower, flash and comfort.

The No. 2 American automaker boasted its Mahwah plant was the largest of its kind in the world. Built at a cost of $70 million as a replacement for a ’30s-era factory in Edgewater, the behemoth ultimately occupied 50 acres of a 177-acre meadow between Route 17 and the Ramapo River, just south of the New York State line.

In 1955, Detroit had a near-monopoly on the American car market; by 1980, it faced stiff competition from Japanese and European rivals. Still, in its 25 years of operation, the plant produced nearly 6 million vehicles, from full-size Galaxies and F-150 trucks in its early years, to downsized Monarchs and Fairmonts.

But that productivity had a cost: It generated vast amounts of waste.

25 years of cars and castoffs

In just three years, from 1968 to 1970, the Mahwah plant produced:

*-Paint sludge: 3,403,644 gallons

*-Kolene sludge: 28,478 gallons*

*-Thinners, oils, liquids: 73,000 gallons

*-Wood dunnage: 1,525,000 cubic feet**

*-Paper: 190,000 tons

*-Cardboard: 490,000 cubic feet

*-Cars: 495,088

*-Commercial vehicles: 163,968

*-Vehicles produced in the life of the plant: 4,594,243 cars and 1,318,522 trucks

* Kolene is a chemical compound used to clean paint from assembly-line equipment.

** Dunnage is packing material used in the shipping of parts.

Source: Ford Motor Co. documents provided to EPA

The EPA has no records on total sludge amounts. Our estimate is based on information contained in state Department of Environmental Protection documents.

Facts and figures

*-First car, specially equipped for the disabled, rolled off the line on July 16, 1955. Last car, a two-tone, two-door Fairmont Futura, was produced in June 1980.

*-The plant tripled the output of the Edgewater plant, which had opened in 1930 and produced 1,817,938 cars in its 25 years.

*-During the transition from Edgewater to Mahwah, only 16 hours of operation were lost, as equipment and stock were moved 26 miles in a convoy of trucks.

*-The Mahwah tract was a golf course before Ford acquired it. Indians had once held powwows on the land; it was also used by Colonial troops as a bivouac area during the Revolutionary War.

*-Opened at 1.5 million square feet, the plant was expanded to 2.3 million square feet.

*-The plant had 10 miles of production aisles, including assembly lines and storage areas. It also held experimental labs, a 93,000-square-foot shipping and receiving platform, three air-conditioned cafeterias, medical facilities, a physics lab, a metallurgy lab, and a chemical lab.

*-Payroll in 1960 was around $25 million for 4,350 workers, rising to $84.9 million in 1979. The average worker made $159 a week in 1965.

*-At its peak, the plant turned out a car every minute.

* The plant produced 6,200 1958 Edsels, the car that quickly became synonymous with failure.

*-Vehicles made at the plant included LTDs, Galaxies, Granadas, Mercury Monarchs, Fairmonts, Zephyrs and light trucks.

*-In 1974, 2,400 workers lived in New Jersey and 2,050 in New York. Ford was the largest employer in Bergen County.

*-In 1962, the plant consumed 235,320 kilowatt-hours of power a day, enough to supply a small city. The monthly electric bill was around $68,000 and had grown to more than $500,000 at closing.

*-The factory used 1.2 million gallons of water every production day and 1.3 million cubic feet of natural gas.

(SIDEBAR, page A23)

A Ford timeline

*-July 1955: Ford opens new assembly plant in Mahwah to replace a 1930 factory in Edgewater. Ford boasts that its new plant is the largest in the world.

*-January 1965: A Ford subsidiary buys 900 acres in Ringwood from an iron-mining company. Hiding its connection to the auto giant, Ringwood Realty first proposes a development, but gives up on the idea amid problems trying to relocate occupants of the miners’ homes and concerns raised by the operators of the nearby Wanaque Reservoir, the North Jersey District Water Supply Commission.

*-October 1967: Water district asks the state Department of Health to withhold approval of a landfill in Ringwood until the plan can be evaluated. Later, in a letter to the Ringwood borough council, chief water district engineer Dean Noll says the agency opposes the plan because of the risk of contamination.

*-December 1967: Ford contracts Harrison-based O’Connor Trucking and Haulage to remove waste from Mahwah. Over the next four years, paint sludge and other waste is dumped in the mines and forests on the tract by O’Connor. Sludge is later found in many places there.

*-March 1969: A Ringwood police report describes how a bulldozer had fallen into the open pit of Peters Mine. It is never recovered. Later reports detail numerous fires and complaints about nighttime visits by waste-hauling trucks.

*-April 1971: Ford executives decide to fire O’Connor, citing performance issues and financial problems. Instead, they hire ISA, a Kentucky company that hauls waste for a Ford plant in Louisville. ISA forms a partnership with a mob-connected carter based in Orange County, N.Y. Over the next decade, Ford waste is handled by firms that routinely dispose of the paint sludge, chemicals and other castoffs in unauthorized locations throughout New York and New Jersey.

*-June 1972: Ford drops plans to keep dumping in Ringwood after deciding it can’t meet state environmental requirements.

*-December 1973: Ford donates 109 acres, including the heavily polluted Peters Mine dump area, to the state, which adds it to Ringwood State Park in 1979. The transaction completes Ford’s divestiture of the entire 900-acre property; other portions had been sold to utility companies for transmission lines and to a private developer. Another tract is donated to Ringwood.

*-June 1980: Ford closes the Mahwah plant. The company ultimately spends nearly $10 million to clean up the site, which is sold to developers.

*-September 1983: Ringwood tract becomes a Superfund site. By 1988, Ford contractors remove 7,000 cubic yards of paint sludge, at cost of $1.6 million.

*-January 1988: Sheraton Crossroads opens on the Mahwah site.

*-September 1988: EPA chooses the least expensive of five follow-through options for Ringwood: For 30 years, Ford must monitor groundwater in areas where sludge was removed. The agency could have insisted that landfills be capped, groundwater treated, and leaching prevented.

*-January 1990: Ford is called back to Ringwood to remove 727 tons of paint sludge and 61 drums of waste from the O’Connor landfill. The waste had been uncovered during site work for a proposed radio tower.

*-November 1994: EPA declares the site clean enough to be delisted by Superfund.

*-April 1995: Ford is called back to Ringwood to remove 5 cubic yards of paint sludge from back yard of a home.

*-December 1997: Ford is called back to Ringwood to remove 30 cubic yards of paint sludge from O’Connor landfill.

*-March 2002: Less than halfway through its groundwater-monitoring program, Ford petitions the EPA to stop tests, saying that nothing hazardous is being detected; Ringwood and the Sierra Club object.

*-Spring 2004: EPA orders Ford to do another cleanup; tests by the company detect elevated levels of lead, benzene and arsenic in groundwater.

*-February 2005: EPA orders search for paint sludge around all 48 homes in the Ringwood Mines area. Ford conducts survey of the original 900-acre tract.

*-March 2005: The New Jersey Environmental Justice Task Force, a group charged with ensuring that minorities and the poor receive fair treatment in environmental matters, recommends relisting of Ringwood as a Superfund site.

*-June 2005: State Health Department releases survey that confirms what residents of the Ringwood dump area have suspected for years: They suffer from elevated rates of some cancers.

*-September 2005: Excavation work stopped in Ringwood after a Michigan landfill that’s been accepting the sludge refuses to take any more, saying it’s too contaminated.

Mann V. Ford

Filed under: Ecology,indigenous,racism,television — louisproyect @ 1:19 am

If someone asked you what came to mind when a huge multinational corporations was dumping toxic waste on indigenous peoples’ land, you are likely to think of far-off places like Ecuador where Chevron refuses to pay for the damage to land, water and the health of native peoples caused by oil run-off. This conflict between Indians and Chevron was documented in the film “Crude” that represented advocacy film-making at its finest.

As it turns out, a similar drama unfolded not 40 miles from New York in the 1990s when the Ramapough Mountain Indians sought damages against Ford Motor for dumping the toxic waste from their Mahwah plant into the soil, water and abandoned iron mines where the native peoples lived. A documentary titled “Mann V. Ford” that is every bit as powerful as “Crude” tells their story tomorrow night at 9pm on HBO, the premium cable channel that is one of the best places to go on television for hard-hitting political material. It is a sad commentary on the state of PBS’s Frontline that you need to go to cable TV to see such a film.

When you think of American Indians and environmental racism, you are likely to visualize reservations in New Mexico or Arizona where nuclear waste material is dumped. But the Indians who lived in suburban-style tract housing in New Jersey suffered more than any Indians in recent history. As children, they swam in nearby streams and rolled around on fields that contained paint and other toxic waste, including PCBs, Freon, heavy metals, lead and arsenic. Now in their forties and fifties, they are suffering cancer rates triple those of other people in New Jersey, a state infamous for environmental health hazards. Today, almost every home in Upper Ringwood, the town where they are based, has someone who died from cancer, or is suffering from diabetes, kidney stones, miscarriage, asthma, gastrointestinal disease or skin disorders.

Ford decided that these people were not worth worrying about since the general perception—racist to the core—was that the Ramapough Mountain Indians, who are descended from the Lenapes, were “trash” that deserved everything they got. They were seen as backward hill people who were culturally akin to other mountain peoples in the Ozarks or West Virginia. The assumption is that anybody who kept a car seat on his or her porch deserved to get cancer from Ford Motor toxic waste.

The documentary focuses on Wayne Mann, the lead plaintiff in the case. Mann is an articulate and passionate spokesman for his people. Like other members of this ethnic group, Mann obviously has African-American as well as Indian roots. This is the case for the Seminole people in Florida as well. He is advised by one of the lead attorneys, a feisty Blond-haired woman named Vicky Gilliam who hails from rural Louisiana and who had seen the impact of agricultural chemicals and oil spills on her own farming community. She is their Erin Brockovich.

Back in 1958, when I was in 8th grade, we went on a field trip to the Mahwah plant that had opened up three years earlier. The Ford employee who escorted around the plant kept making the point that this was the most modern and efficient auto plant the world had ever seen. Little did we suspect that 9 years later the plant management would decide to dump their waste in Upper Ringwood, obviously to save money. This was at a time when the reputation of American corporations was at an all-time high. The General Electric Theater aired on Sunday evening at 9pm, considered one of the most prestigious shows on television. Speaking for GE, Ronald reminded us that progress was their most important product. And all the while GE was dumping PCB’s in the Hudson River, the same way that Ford was dumping it in Indian country.

As is customary with HBO documentaries, they can be viewed on-demand from Time-Warner and other cable providers. If not, you can watch them on your computer if you are an HBO subscriber—a new feature available at www.hbogo.com.

March 30, 2011

The Destiny of Lesser Animals; Meek’s Cutoff

Filed under: Africa,Film,indigenous — louisproyect @ 6:36 pm

Last night, after a few minutes into “The Destiny of Lesser Animals”, a movie showing at the always bountiful New Directors/New Films Festival at Lincoln Center on Friday and Saturday night, I had a sense of déjà vu. This movie, written by and starring a Ghanaian and directed by an American, tells the story of a cop named Boniface Koomsin (Yao B. Nunoo, the screenwriter) whose false passport is stolen by a motorcyclist in the opening moments of the film. Needing access to the police department’s database in order to find out the identity of the thief whose license number he wrote down, he claims that his gun has been stolen—something that routinely gets high priority in the Ghana police department and those everywhere else in the world.

That rang a bell. Wasn’t that the plot of Kurosawa’s “Stray Dog with a very young Toshiro Mifune playing a cop whose revolver had been stolen? I was also struck by the director’s obviously affectionate view of the Accra bazaar with its street vendors hawking their wares: “I have your Adidas here!” There is a scene like this in “Stray Dog” that gives the audience a bird’s eye view of a shabby but vibrant Japan in the immediate postwar period, a society that faced the same kinds of ills that post-colonial societies in Africa are now facing.

My suspicions were confirmed after doing some research on the net after this fascinating film ended. The press notes state:

[Director Deron] Albright and Nunoo first met in late 2004, when Albright was casting his short, “The Legend of Black Tom.” The two found themselves enjoying their work together enough to begin looking for opportunities to collaborate in the future. Two years later, Nunoo was developing a ‘policier’ script set in Philadelphia. But when Albright returned from screening “Black Tom” at FESPACO, and pitched to Nunoo the idea of shooting in West Africa, the script and the project sprang to life. Soon after, the two formed Bright Noon Pictures, and set forth to realize their dream of making the film in Ghana. But not just any film. First, it had to be a film for people who loved films. Nunoo’s inspiration for the script was Kurosawa’s Stray Dog (Nora inu), and for Albright, the vision was to wrap the genre pleasures of the policier with the humanity of Neorealism and the best of the West African cinematic tradition.

Well, “a film for people who love films” certainly describes me.

Even more so than Kurosawa’s classic, “The Destiny of Lesser Animals” delves into the motivations of its main character. The cop in “Stray Dog” is pent-up, visceral, and impulsive—just the sort of character that Toshiro Mifune was born to play. By contrast, Boniface Koomsin is reflective to the point of indecision, trying to decide in Hamlet fashion whether to be or not to be—a Ghanaian. The whole point of the fake passport was to get him to America, where he dreams of “making it” in a country that is not burdened by petty crime, corruption, greed, and all the other problems that drive people into emigration, legal or illegal.

This leads to some poignant scenes involving Boniface and a more experienced and senior cop named Oscar Darko (Fred Amugi) who becomes a father figure to him, mirroring the relationship between Mifune and Sato (Takashi Shimura), the senior detective who counsels him.

Their discussions revolve around Boniface’s desire to emigrate, an act that Oscar considers disloyal to the country. Oscar remains committed to Nkrumah’s vision of the country even though corruption and poor governance have taken their toll.

“The Destiny of Lesser Animals” succeeds much more as a human drama rather than an action-driven policier. One hopes that after the two-night run at Lincoln Center, it will receive a wider distribution. With the death of Ousmane Sembene, Africa has been deprived of one of its leading cinematic geniuses. The team that made “The Destiny of Lesser Animals” is made up of younger talents who show great promise. Their efforts should be rewarded by acceptance among the people described in the film notes as those “who love film”.

When I learned that Kelly Reichardt had made a Western about a wagon train in Oregon in 1845 relying on the help of an Indian, I had high expectations. Her earlier films, also set in Oregon, were penetrating character studies about contemporary life. “Old Joy” was about two men bonding in a hot tub in a forest retreat with homoerotic overtones, but more generally about the regrets of unfulfilled dreams. “Wendy and Lucy was about the struggle of a homeless woman to keep hold of the thing that she loved above all, her pet dog.

Unfortunately, “Meek’s Cutoff” is a complete disaster, a pretentious, boring, and insufferably “arty” work that gives independent film a bad name. I suppose that when I learned beforehand that Paul Dano was part of the cast, I should have avoided it. For my money, Dano is the worst actor in Hollywood since William Shatner who at least had the saving grace of not taking himself too seriously. Dano, like Reichardt, thinks he is involved with making a Big Statement. It is enough to drive one to spend a full day watching Adam Sandler movies.

The Meek referred to in the title is Stephen Meek, a character in a ridiculous looking buckskin fringe outfit who has been asked to lead a small wagon train into Oregon along the famous Oregon Trail. Unlike Daniel Boone or any other legendary mountain man, Meek could not find his way out of Grand Central Station even if you drew a path in red paint along the floor for him.

The net result is that the pioneers are stuck on a vast and arid plain that shows no signs of yielding into a green and fertile destination for homesteading. At the beginning of the film, Paul Dano is shown carving the word “Lost” into a board just so you get the idea.

For around 1/3 of the movie, there is absolutely nothing going on except the group of 7 settlers and Meek plowing ahead in futility. Reichardt has put a lot of effort into recreating how such people really lived and one of the more dramatic moments involves the women making breakfast. They grind coffee by hand, for example. I don’t know. If this is your kind of thing, I suggest a visit to one of those museum villages where you can see blacksmiths working on horseshoes, etc. In any case, Reichardt would have been better served if she had spent more effort on character and plot development than authenticity.

All in all, the movie reminds me more of Gus Van Sant’s monumentally boring “Gerry” that starred Matt Damon and Casey Affleck as two guys, both named Gerry, that get lost in the desert. Fifteen minutes of this movie is enough to drive one to drink a bottle of absinthe.

The worst part of “Meek’s Cutoff” is the Indian character that is first seen lurking near the camp. After Meek pursues him and brings him back to camp bound by rope, a debate takes place whether to kill him on the spot or use him as a guide to finding water and a way out of the wasteland, sort of like Lewis and Clark using the Blackfoot woman Sacagawea.

The film notes make a huge to-do about the efforts to recreate the past. Production Designer David Doernberg stated:

We went to the Oregon Historical Society, which was a great resource. There were exhibits and pictures of the rugged travelers and Meek himself. But the most interesting part of my research was contacting the individuals out there that are devoted to preserving our past. For a scene where Emily Tetherow grinds her morning coffee I needed the right grinder.

The one thing that the production company did not research is how American Indians lived. The Indian they capture is described as being a lone wanderer. If you have spent more than an hour reading about American Indians, you will understand that Indians always did things together. The idea that a member of a tribe would go unaccounted for like this is not just improbable, it is an insult to both the audience’s intelligence and a sign of Reichardt’s indifference to the Other she so piously invokes.

The press notes see the film as an allegory of today’s conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan:

The clash of cultures in the U.S. occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan is felt in the friction between the emigrents [sic], Meek and the Indian. The arguments over the necessity of violence to obtain information from a prisoner, the lingering doubts over an elected leader, and the basic question of whether to “stay the course” are topics in the film that have also been prevalent in the national conversation of the past decade.

My suggestion to Reichardt is the next time she wants to make a movie that has such ambitions she should hire a consultant that actually knows something about American history. As it turns out, she is a film professor at Bard College. I can’t say I am completely surprised by her fecklessness. I imagine that if she really had something important to say about colonialism and war, she probably wouldn’t be teaching there.

December 25, 2010

True Grit? Humbug.

Filed under: Film,indigenous — louisproyect @ 10:37 pm

Although most of this article is concerned with political issues that would lead me to award “True Grit” with the rotten it deserved, I want to start off by highlighting its major flaw that has not been identified by critics, to my knowledge. Unlike most of the great movies in this genre from “The Magnificent Seven” to “Unforgiven”, “True Grit” has shallow and underdeveloped villains. This is either due to the original material in Portis’s novel or in the Coens’ screenplay. Not having read the novel, I cannot be sure.

This is especially true of the Tom Chaney character hunted throughout the film. Perhaps the casting of an actor normally assigned “good guy” roles (Josh Brolin), the Coens give tacit acknowledgment that the man is simply not in the same league with memorable villains such as the gunslinger Jack Wilson (Jack Palance) in “Shane” or the sadistic Sheriff Dad Longworth (Karl Malden) in “One -Eyed Jacks”, so clearly an inspiration for Little Bill Daggett (Gene Hackman) in “Unforgiven”. Unlike all these powerful, carefully etched characters, Chaney is amorphous and seemingly unmotivated. Perhaps the film would have had more dramatic power if the Coens had included an initial scene that depicted Chaney brutally attacking Mattie Ross’s father and taunting him while he was dying. But who am I to give the Coens advice. After all, they are the John Fords and Howard Hawks of our age (god help us) and I am merely the unrepentant Marxist.

If the drama in “True Grit” fails in terms of the traditional hero-villain narrative of this genre, then we are left to the interaction between the 14-year-old girl Mattie Ross seeking vengeance and her two partners, the dirty cop Rooster Cogburn and the Texas Ranger LaBoeuf. Critics seem smitten with the arch dialog of the three characters that is filled with odd constructions seemingly lifted from a Dickens novel.

For example, Cogburn—a poorly educated drunk by all accounts—says at one point: “I’m struck that LaBoeuf has been shot, brambled and near severed his tongue. Not only does he not cease to talk, but he spills the banks of English.” Perhaps this works on the written page, but my reaction to such speeches in the film was what a bunch of hooey.

Speaking of which, has anybody considered the likelihood that someone who has consumed buckets of alcohol over the years like Rooster Cogburn and who has only one eye would be able to shoot down four men while riding horseback with the reins of his horse in his teeth? Hooey, once again I asseverate—to use a Portis type formulation. I have seen more realistic gun duels in the most over-the-top Hong Kong policier.

But for you people who worship the ground that the Coens walk upon, feel free to answer me here. I try to maintain a free speech forum. Just don’t use sexist or racist language and try to stick within three insults per day.

* * * *

Let me turn now to the broader historical questions that provide the framework for both “True Grit” movies. Call me incorrigibly dogmatic and a “politically correct” bore, but I just can’t get on the bandwagon for the Coen brothers’ “True Grit”, their latest film that has earned high plaudits across the board, even from the curmudgeonly Armond White who wrote:

This view of the Western’s brutality challenges recent cultural standards regarding violence and sarcasm as established by Quentin Tarantino. Now, True Grit is no longer just a tall tale; it clarifies the Coens’ feelings about violence and America’s spiritual history.

Well, I am not sure about the Coen brothers’ feelings about much of anything. Mostly they are content to produce black comedic yarns, sometimes hitting (“Fargo”, “Blood Simple”), sometimes missing (“A Serious Man”, “No Country for Old Men”.)

I confess that I was prejudiced from the start, having had an extreme reaction against the original “True Grit” that starred Vietnam War hawk John Wayne in 1969. Looking back at Vincent Canby’s NY Times review that year, there is absolutely no reference to the war in Vietnam and John Wayne’s filthy role in promoting it through television appearances and his truly awful propaganda film “The Green Berets”. Most critics agreed with Canby’s assessment and the Academy gave John Wayne an award for best actor as Rooster Cogburn, motivated in part by recognition that the old buzzard did not have long to live after having lost one lung to cancer.

Ironically, Jeff Corey, a blacklisted actor in the 1950s, played Tom Chaney, the “bad guy” being pursued by Rooster Cogburn. When Wayne was making the red scare garbage film “Big Jim McClain” in 1952, Corey could not find work. An LA Times obit on Corey that can be found on the actor’s website recounts what befell him:

The actor was scheduled to appear at the hearing in downtown Los Angeles in September 1951. He was 37 and had a wife and three daughters to support. But he took the 5th Amendment and didn’t work again as an actor in Hollywood for more than a decade, missing out on countless movie opportunities and what would later be considered the golden age of television.

“Most of us were retired reds. We had left it, at least I had, years before,” Corey told Patrick McGilligan, the co-author of “Tender Comrades: A Backstory of the Hollywood Blacklist” who also teaches film at Marquette University. “The only issue was, did you want to just give them their token names so you could continue your career, or not? I had no impulse to defend a political point of view that no longer interested me particularly …. They just wanted two new names so they could hand out more subpoenas.”

Now, forty-one years after the original was made, my distaste for “True Grit” runs deeper, mostly as a function of studying the history of the Southwest over the past year or so in conjunction with a research project about the Comanche Indians, who were the “bad guys” in many a classic Western, including Wayne’s “The Searchers”. My study of this period gives me a totally different appreciation for the role of the Texas Rangers, who were whitewashed in Charles Portis’s novel. While Matt Damon’s Texas Ranger character LaBoeuf was depicted as relatively benign compared to Cogburn, the typical Texas Ranger of American history had more in common with the Ku Klux Klan.

As for Cogburn, he fought with the bushwhackers during the Civil War. My study of Jesse James, a bushwhacker veteran, left me with the conclusion that they too were just like the Klansmen, staging robberies wearing white robes. Perhaps it was possible to make a movie featuring two heroes who had ties to the Texas Rangers and the bushwhackers in the 1940s, but not so today if you have any understanding of the rights and wrongs of American history. Of course, in a period where elected officials defend flying the Confederate flag from government buildings, anything is possible.

Most of you are probably familiar with the plot of “True Grit”. A 14-year-old girl hires Rooster Cogburn (played by Jeff Bridges) to track down her father’s murderer in Choctaw Territory, a portion of the area that would become Oklahoma eventually. All the Indians living in this area got there as a result of Andrew Jackson’s genocidal “Trail of Tears”. While the movie is not really about whites killing Indians, there is one scene that really got me riled up.

Cogburn and Mattie, the fourteen year old played by Hailee Steinfeld, come upon a meager looking farmhouse in Chocktaw Territory that is home to Indians, including a couple of children sitting on the porch. As he enters the house to find out if the inhabitants have any knowledge of the whereabouts of Tom Chaney, he kicks the children on his way up the stairs. For good measure, he kicks them on the way out. What point were the Coens trying to make, that Cogburn was not a nice guy? I think that was pretty well established from the outset. Audiences would probably get a chuckle out of this since it is part and parcel of the sadism that pervades Coen movies. But using Indian children as butts for this kind of humor is pretty tasteless in my view. One imagines that it would be off-limits to see Black children being kicked around in this manner, but Indians are a different story apparently.

Critics love “True Grit” the novel, as well as the movies, because Rooster Cogburn is such a violation of the stereotypical good guy lawman of the old west. He is also a comic figure, almost Falstaffian. I guess that my exposure to the gritty details of American history would make me hostile to anybody who fought on behalf of slavery. The bushwhackers lynched slaves by the hundreds in Missouri. The most recent Jesse James movie that starred Brad Pitt as the bushwhacker crook was an advance over past films insofar as James was depicted as a violent psychopath. But it didn’t begin to address the villain’s racist terrorism. If I had my way, Hollywood would make a movie that showed the bushwhacker in his true colors, as some of America’s most filthy reactionary dogs.

Turning to LaBoeuf (played by Matt Damon), you are getting the stereotypical good guy of the classic western, a part usually played by Alan Ladd or Gary Cooper. His only fault it would seem is to treat Mattie Ross with sexist contempt, spanking her at one point.

While it is beyond the scope of this article to get into a detailed history of the Texas Rangers, some points have to be made. They were formed by Stephen Austin in 1823 and became a key contingent of the war against the Comanches in the 1860s. They also became foot soldiers of the Confederacy around the same time. The most brutal Texas Ranger in this period was Leander Harvey McNelly, who had been a Confederate officer as well. The wiki on McNelly paints him in colors exactly like Rooster Cogburn, who was a “Dirty Harry” of the Old West for all practical purposes:

McNelly’s methods have been questioned throughout the years, and although he recovered many cattle stolen from the Texan Ranches while aggressively dealing with lawlessness on the Mexican border, he also gained a reputation of taking part in many illegal executions and to confessions forced from prisoners by extreme means. McNelly also made himself famous for disobeying direct orders from his superiors on several occasions, and breaking through the Mexican frontier for self-appointed law enforcement purposes. His actions proved to be effective, however, and he was responsible for putting an end to the troubles with Mexican bandits and cattle rustlers along the Rio Grande that were commonplace during the 1850-75 period.

Sounds just like the men running the American military today, doesn’t it? Why the Coens, known for their “edgy” sensibility, would waste their time making a movie glorifying such scum is beyond me.

Back in the 1970s, Peter Camejo spent a couple of evenings at my apartment in Houston when he was on tour. Digging through my records, he found something by The Band. Picking it up like it was a dog turd, he looked at me with a sour expression and asked how I could possibly own a record with a song like “The Night They Drove Old Dixie Down” on it, a song that mourned the passing of the slavocracy in effect. At the time, I wondered if Peter was overdoing things. Bless his soul, he was right.

November 27, 2010

2010 African Diaspora Film Festival

Filed under: Africa,Film,indigenous — louisproyect @ 7:13 pm

I first began covering the Annual African Diaspora Film Festival in New York in 2000 and looked forward once again to this year’s event with the highest expectations. After having seen six different films—three fictional and three documentaries–from the 2010 festival, I can state without qualifications that this is New York culture at its pinnacle. For those who have to put up with the cities indignities and growing class differentiation, there are still compelling reasons to live here. The African Diaspora film festival that began yesterday and ends on December 14 is at the top of the list.

Starting with the fictional films, John Kani’s 2009 “Nothing but the Truth” is a stunning departure from “feel good” Hollywood films like Clint Eastwood’s “Invictus” or John Boorman’s “In My Country” in which the election of Nelson Mandela assumes messianic proportions.

Kani, regarded as the grandfather of South African theater, wrote, directed and stars in this mixture of family drama and social commentary. He plays Sipho, a sixty-three-year-old librarian who is organizing the funeral for his brother Themba, who had been living in exile in Britain for decades. When he comes to the airport to pick up the body and greet his niece Mandisa, an Oxford educated fashion designer with few ties to the homeland, he is shocked to learn that Themba has been cremated. How can the mourners pay tribute to ashes?

Sipho’s daughter Thando escorts Mandisa around Johannesburg as the funeral approaches, filling her in on life in the new South Africa. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is holding its hearings and Mandisa is shocked to discover that one of the racist regime’s top torturers will go free. For his part, Sipho’s disappointments have more to do with being bypassed for a promotion that a post-apartheid society would presumably assure.

John Kani discusses Truth and Reconciliation

In a December 30, 2002 article on the stage version of “Nothing but the Truth” that was playing at Lincoln Center, Kani expressed a view that would become generalized before long:

Mr. Kani says the government deserves much credit for building houses and for bringing electricity and running water to thousands of blacks for the first time. But he says the governing African National Congress must speed the pace of change if it hopes to stay in power.

“We’ve got the right to vote, but what does it mean?” Mr. Kani asked. “People now want to have the right to a job, the right to education, the right to medical services.

The struggle against colonialism in Zimbabwe also receives a conflicted treatment in Ingrid Sinclair’s “Flame”, a 1997 film that tells the story of two teenage girls, Florence and Nyassa, who join ZANU in the early 70s. Florence becomes “Comrade Flame” while Nyassa becomes “Comrade Liberty”.

While Sinclair is certainly no supporter of white rule, the film is nothing like “Battle of Algiers” or other radical anti-colonial films. Instead, it is a feminist critique of male domination in ZANU and the alleged widespread use of rape, represented in “Flame” by Florence being victimized by “Comrade Che”.

Sinclair insists that her screenplay was based on the testimony of numerous female ZANU veterans who were anxious to tell their story. When ZANU officials learned about Sinclair’s goals in making such a film, they did everything in their power to nip it in the bud.

You can find scholarly support for Sinclair’s perspective in Tanya Lyons “Guns and Guerilla Girls: Women in the Zimbabwean Liberation Struggle”, a 2004 book that was reviewed on H-Humanities by Norma Krieger, who wrote:

While some female ex-combatants found new equality in dressing like their male counterparts and in training alongside them, others voiced resentments at inequalities, especially in not being able to fight in combat inside the country. Lyons argues that ZANU’s response to sexual relations among the combatants was to blame women’s “prostitution” and to try to control their behavior through party-certified marriages. Moreover, she asserts that the party opposed the use of contraceptives among women because it wanted women fighters to produce the next generation of soldiers and it feared fueling “prostitution”. Pregnant female fighters and those with small children were confined to separate camps, which they experienced as punishment since they wanted to return to their military duties.

I have little reason to doubt this version of events seen through the prism of ZANU’s recent history, one in which the rights of all Zimbabweans—men and women alike—is given short shrift. That being said, this is not a movie that begins to tell the story of one of the great chapters in African liberation in modern times. The struggle to emancipate “Rhodesia” involved the mass participation of rural villages of the kind that Florence and Nyassa came from. It is unfortunate that Sinclair became so preoccupied with gender issues that she neglected to give any kind of weight to class issues. That being said, “Flame” is an important film and stirring in many ways. Despite their oppression as women, the two lead characters also find emancipation as fighters and political leaders during the course of the movie.

Despite the reputation that France enjoyed in the 1950s as a kind of racially tolerant escape from Jim Crow America, there is evidence that Black GI’s were often the victims of discrimination by the French, particularly in the countryside, and by their own white officers. “Prohibited Love”, a French made-for-TV movie directed by Philippe Niang, the son of a Senagelese father and French mother, takes place in a farming village in the final days of WWII, when German soldiers have just been driven off.

When the Americans arrive, a deal is struck with a local farmer. The army will pay him for the use of his land, where a company of mostly Black GI’s will bivouac. He has no particular animosity toward Blacks, but his wife views them with disgust. Even worse, their daughter Blanche would like to see them all dead since they had a hand in killing her German soldier lover.

One of the Black GI’s is Gary Larochelle, a French-speaking Louisianan who is immediately attracted to Louise, the wife of the farmer’s son, a French soldier who she has not seen for years. Louise fends off his advances at first, but soon discovers that she is attracted to him. This “prohibited love” forms the conflict that divides the farmer’s family against itself as well as the local townsmen who make few distinctions between the Nazis and the Americans now constituted as an occupying force.

“Prohibited Love” is as much of a corrective to anodynes about the “Greatest Generation” as John Kani’s “Nothing but the Truth” is to something like “Invictus”. The notion that American GI’s were being hailed as great liberators has been challenged in a number of places. A June 5th 2009 BBC article titled Revisionists challenge D-Day story jibes with Niang’s screenplay, even if it dwells on rape rather than the consensual sex depicted in the movie:

For example, Cpl LF Roker of the Highland Light Infantry is quoted in another new book about the civilian impact of the campaign, Liberation, The Bitter Road to Freedom, by William Hitchcock.

“It was rather a shock to find we were not welcomed ecstatically as liberators by the local people, as we were told we should be… They saw us as bringers of destruction and pain,” Mr Roker wrote in his diary.

In his book, Mr Hitchcock raises another issue that rarely features in euphoric folk-memories of liberation: Allied looting, and worse.

“The theft and looting of Normandy households and farmsteads by liberating soldiers began on June 6 and never stopped during the entire summer,” he writes.

One woman – from the town of Colombieres – is quoted as saying that “the enthusiasm for the liberators is diminishing. They are looting… everything, and going into houses everywhere on the pretext of looking for Germans.”

Even more feared, of course, was the crime of rape – and here too the true picture has arguably been expunged from popular memory.

According to American historian J Robert Lilly, there were around 3,500 rapes by American servicemen in France between June 1944 and the end of the war.

“The evidence shows that sexual violence against women in liberated France was common,” writes Mr Hitchcock.

“It also shows that black soldiers convicted of such awful acts received very severe punishments, while white soldiers received lighter sentences.”

Of 29 soldiers executed for rape by the US military authorities, 25 were black – though African-Americans did not represent nearly so high a proportion of convictions.

Some of the same issues about gender and power treated in the two fiction films above are explored in the documentary “Umoja, the Village where Men are Forbidden”, a 2008 documentary directed by Jean-Marc Sainclair and Jean Crousillac. It tells the story of Samburu women in Kenya who were raped by British soldiers and then shunned by their husbands in a further violation of their rights. Rebecca Lolosoli, a Samburu, decided to establish a village for these women and their children where they could live in peace and economic self-sufficiency. Despite occasional violent attacks by Samburu men, the village has thrived and serves as a testimony to the power of women’s liberation in a traditionally male-dominated society.

As the title implies, “Africa is a Woman’s Name” is another feminist documentary. It is directed by Wanjiru Kinyanjui, a Kenyan, Bridget Pickering, a Namibian by birth who was executive director of Hotel Rwanda, and the aforementioned Ingrid Sinclair. It is in three parts and recounts the efforts of a schoolteacher, a lawyer and a businesswoman in transforming the lives of women in contemporary Africa.

Finally, there is the remarkable tale told in “Hearing Radmilla”. Radmilla Cody became Miss Navaho Nation despite having an African-American father. Turned over to her Navaho grandmother as an infant by her 18-year-old mother, she was raised in traditional ways and even became fluent in the Navaho language.

Her fluency in the language and her singing prowess, including in traditional native songs, made her the first choice among all the contestants. Afterwards, there was a backlash with Navaho men writing angry letters to a native newspaper about her not having Navaho “blood”. This fixation on blood quantum has played a very negative role in indigenous society ever since the reservation system was established. In vying for handouts from the white ruling class, native peoples have used this criterion far more often than talent or leadership qualities that Radmilla Cody had in spades.

Unfortunately for her, a dependent relationship on an African-American drug dealer who pressured her and beat her into becoming part of his illegal activities alienated her even further. She eventually found redemption as a Navaho and as fully realized independent woman, just as the protagonists in the other documentaries discussed here.

Scheduling information for the 2010 African Diaspora Film Festival can be found here: http://nyadiff.org/

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